The Katikkiro made the remarks during a courtesy visit by Centenary Bank’s former Managing Director, Fabian Kasi and his successor Godfrey Byekwaso at Bulange, Mengo, where Kasi formally introduced Byekwaso to the Katikkiro following the leadership transition at the bank.

“Centenary Bank is the largest indigenous bank in Uganda. It is our own local bank which makes us proud as Ugandans. As Buganda Kingdom, we are happy with the partnership we have with Centenary Bank to develop the people of Buganda and Uganda at large,” the Katikkiro said.

Mayiga commended Centenary Bank for providing financial services that respond to the needs of Ugandans, noting that this makes it possible for the Kingdom to recommend the bank to farmers, traders and other members of the community. “We tell our people to collaborate with Centenary so that they can develop themselves because when our people develop, the Kingdom also develops,” he said.

The Katikkiro noted that the relationship between the two institutions has delivered mutual benefits over the years but said there is an opportunity to make it bigger and more impactful. He pointed to the significant concentration of economic activity and financial inclusion opportunities in Buganda and the Central Region, including farmers, traders and businesses and urged Centenary Bank to leverage its ties with the Kingdom to deepen its presence and reach more people.

“I therefore urge you to expand this market through expanding your partnership with us and you will benefit from it. I am ready to ensure that this partnership is strengthened even further,” he said. Centenary Bank and Buganda Kingdom have worked together on several initiatives, including the Masaza Cup, CBS Pewosa, the Kaliisoliiso Dinner, among others. Several Buganda Kingdom institutions also maintain accounts with Centenary Bank.

Speaking at the visit, former Centenary Bank Managing Director Fabian Kasi thanked the Katikkiro for providing the bank with opportunities to work closely with the Kingdom.

“As Centenary Bank, we are proud of the partnership we have with Buganda Kingdom and that is because you, the Katikkiro, have been giving us that opportunity,” Kasi said. He noted that the collaboration with the Kingdom has contributed to the bank’s growth and expressed confidence that it would continue under the new leadership.

“As Centenary Bank, we partner with Buganda Kingdom on a lot of projects and those partnerships are one of the reasons we are where we are today as a bank. We hope these partnerships can continue even with the new Managing Director,” he said. The new Managing Director, Godfrey Byekwaso, thanked the Katikkiro for maintaining a strong relationship with Centenary Bank and appreciated the Kingdom for continuing to prioritise the bank.

Byekwaso pledged to build on the existing relationship and take it to greater levels under his leadership. “I pledge to you that the relationship between Centenary Bank and the Kingdom is going to continue and grow stronger. We request you to continue partnering with us and rallying the whole Kingdom to continue working with us,” he said.

Centenary Bank will continue to work with the Kingdom and its institutions to expand access to financial services and create opportunities for farmers, traders, entrepreneurs and communities across Buganda and Uganda.

The utility vehicle was delivered to UMC executive director Alan Kasujja on Sunday by the Acting Director of Defence Public Information, Col Chris Magezi. The donation followed a meeting between Gen Muhoozi and Kasujja, during which the two discussed national matters, geopolitics, faith and the work ahead, according to Kasujja.

Kasujja later disclosed that he had raised the issue of transport at UMC after informing the CDF about an accident involving two of his colleagues, Glen and Michael. The two employees of UMC had been involved in an accident while travelling in a vehicle used for their work. Kasujja said he mentioned to Gen Muhoozi that the institution needed to replace the vehicle that had been involved in the accident. He said the CDF responded immediately.

“Less than two hours after we parted ways, a brand-new Toyota Land Cruiser arrived to support our work,” Kasujja said in a statement. The vehicle was delivered by Col Magezi on behalf of the CDF. Kasujja also reported that both Glen and Michael, the two UMC staff members involved in the accident, were doing well. He thanked God for their safety and expressed appreciation for the intervention that resulted in the replacement vehicle.

The donation gives UMC additional transport capacity at a time when the government communication institution is required to provide media access and information from activities taking place across the country. The vehicle is particularly expected to support long-distance assignments, where journalists and government communication officials have to travel to remote districts to document government programmes, public events and other national activities.

CDF Support

According to the Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs (MoDVA), the donation is part of what it described as close interagency cooperation between the defence establishment and other government institutions. Col Magezi said the donation demonstrated cooperation within government aimed at improving service delivery, transparency and accountability.

“The MoDVA/UPDF, under Gen. Kainerugaba’s leadership, has consistently believed in and supported the work of the Uganda Media Centre,” Kasujja said. “We do not take that support for granted. Asante sana, Afande,” he added. The donation places emphasis on the practical needs of government communication, particularly mobility.

The Uganda Media Centre serves as a platform through which government ministries, departments and agencies engage the media and the public. Its operations often involve facilitating press conferences, government briefings, media engagements and communication around national programmes. Field operations also require officials and media personnel to travel outside Kampala. The new Land Cruiser is therefore expected to improve the centre’s ability to undertake such assignments.

Accident Triggers Request

The donation came shortly after the accident involving the two UMC employees. Kasujja said that during his meeting with Gen Muhoozi, the issue of the damaged vehicle was not initially the main subject of their discussion. He described it as something he mentioned “almost in passing”. However, according to Kasujja, Gen Muhoozi immediately acted on the information. The speed with which the replacement vehicle was delivered became a major feature of Kasujja’s account of the meeting. He said that after the meeting ended, less than two hours passed before a new Toyota Land Cruiser had arrived to support the centre’s work. The account portrays the vehicle as an operational intervention following the loss of an existing vehicle in the accident.

There was no indication in the statement of the value of the new vehicle or the procurement process through which it was acquired. The statement also did not provide details of the damaged vehicle or the circumstances surrounding the accident involving the two UMC employees.

Military-Civilian Cooperation

The donation also highlights the relationship between the UPDF and civilian government institutions. The UPDF says its constitutional mandate includes cooperating with civilian authorities in specified circumstances and fostering harmony and understanding between the defence forces and civilians. The force also describes itself as a national institution subordinate to civilian authority and says its mandate includes cooperation with civilian authorities.

Gen Muhoozi became CDF in March 2024, succeeding Gen Wilson Mbadi. At the time of his assumption of office, he said the UPDF would continue to focus on professionalism, national security and improving the welfare and working conditions of its personnel. The UPDF has subsequently highlighted civil-military cooperation as part of its activities, including engagements with government agencies and communities.

In recent months, the military has also worked with other government institutions in activities ranging from disaster preparedness to infrastructure and community interventions. The donation to UMC therefore comes against a broader background of interaction between the military establishment and civilian government agencies.

Media Operations

For UMC, the immediate concern is operational. The centre is expected to facilitate communication between government and the public, making reliable transport important for staff undertaking assignments away from Kampala. Long-distance field work can involve travel to districts where government projects, public events, security activities, infrastructure developments and other programmes are being implemented.

A utility vehicle capable of handling such assignments can consequently expand the centre’s operational reach. The Land Cruiser is expected to be used as a work vehicle rather than as a ceremonial asset, with UMC indicating that it will support its operations. Kasujja’s statement did not indicate whether the vehicle would be assigned to a particular department or whether it would be available to different UMC teams depending on their field assignments.

Kasujja Thanks CDF

Kasujja expressed appreciation for the donation, describing the support from the Defence Ministry and UPDF as something the media centre valued. His meeting with Gen Muhoozi had initially covered wider issues, including national affairs and geopolitics. Kasujja said the CDF also asked about Glen and Michael after learning of their accident.

He reported that both staff members were recovering well. The concern for the two employees, followed by the provision of a replacement vehicle, formed the immediate background to the donation. The vehicle was handed over on Sunday by Col Magezi, who represented the CDF at the delivery.

The Ministry of Defence described the donation as demonstrating interagency cooperation intended to enhance service delivery and strengthen transparency and accountability across government sectors. For UMC, the immediate benefit is increased mobility. The institution will now have an additional vehicle to support its work, particularly assignments involving long-distance travel across Uganda.

The donation also reinforces the role of transport in government communication, where officials and media teams increasingly have to move beyond Kampala to document activities and engage communities. As UMC begins using the new Toyota Land Cruiser, its officials are expected to deploy it for the centre’s operational needs, with the institution expressing gratitude to Gen Muhoozi and the defence establishment

Mwenda made the allegations in a lengthy post on X, formerly Twitter, as the Tooro Kingdom remained embroiled in a succession dispute following the death and burial of Omukama Oyo Nyimba Kabamba Iguru Rukidi IV. He accused the Queen Mother of a series of actions which, he said, had harmed the kingdom for more than three decades.

Mwenda alleged that Kemigisha had been responsible for the killing of Prince Kijanangoma, the elder brother of the late King Oyo, and claimed that the State, particularly President Museveni, had shielded her from prosecution.

He also accused Kemigisha of mistreating the former Queen Mother, Kezia Byanjeru, whom he said had been forcibly removed from the palace in 1998 and had later died from injuries sustained during the incident.

The allegations triggered questions about the evidence supporting the claims, with some commentators demanding that Mwenda produce the alleged investigation records and court documents. Mwenda said Batooro had tolerated Kemigisha’s alleged conduct for more than three decades.

“For more than 30 years, Batooro have put up with the greed, intrigues and intransigence of this lady,” he said. “For 30 years we have witnessed the desecration of our most sacred traditions. For 30 years we have seen kingdom land taken and sold by her and all the money pocketed by her,” he alleged.

Oyo burial dispute sparked fresh accusations

Mwenda’s accusations came against the backdrop of disagreements surrounding the handling of King Oyo’s remains and the question of who would succeed him. He claimed that the Queen Mother had refused to allow the late king’s body to leave the palace and had later obstructed its burial at the royal tombs.

“This morning she refused the body of King Oyo to leave the palace. Government had to use the army to get the body to church,” Mwenda wrote. He further alleged that the Queen Mother had refused to release the body for burial, creating a situation in which the State could be forced to intervene. Mwenda claimed that the dispute had become particularly serious because, according to Tooro customs, a king was supposed to be buried before 3pm.

1998 palace dispute

Mwenda then linked the controversy to events involving former Queen Mother Kezia Byanjeru in 1998. He alleged that Kemigisha had ordered Byanjeru’s removal from the palace and claimed that she had been physically carried away by people acting on the Queen Mother’s instructions.

“In 1998 she chased my grandmother, Kezia Byanjeru, 93 years (former queen mother), from the palace, used ruffians who lifted her forcefully and dumped her onto a pickup truck, broke her hip and she died two months later,” Mwenda wrote. He identified Byanjeru as the mother of King Patrick Olimi Kaboyo III and Kemigisha’s mother-in-law. Mwenda said the royal family had endured the incident in silence. “We suffered this humiliation in suppressed silence,” he said.

Mwenda revived 1999 murder allegation

The most serious allegation in Mwenda’s post concerned the death of Prince Kijanangoma in 1999.

Mwenda alleged that Kemigisha had ordered the killing and claimed that an investigation had identified her as the person behind the crime. “In 1999, she ordered the cold-blooded murder of Prince Kijanangoma, elder brother to the new king. The investigation found that she was the architect of this heinous crime,” he alleged.

He further claimed that the government had decided not to prosecute Kemigisha because she had been the Queen Mother of a seven-year-old king at the time. “At the time, the state protected her from criminal prosecution because she was a queen mother raising a seven-year-old king,” he said.

Mwenda also referred to John Katuramu, who had been sentenced to death in connection with the killing. “John Katuramu was prosecuted and sentenced to death for this crime to which he was only an accomplice, according to the investigation,” he wrote.

Mwenda said he supported non-prosecution

Mwenda also said he had supported the alleged decision not to prosecute Kemigisha. He argued that sending her to prison or sentencing her to death would have harmed the kingdom because she had been raising a young king.

“Sending her to jail for life or death would have harmed the kingdom. I fully supported this decision as well reasoned and wise,” he said. The position sparked further debate among people who reacted to his post, particularly because Mwenda had accused Museveni’s government of protecting the Queen Mother while acknowledging that he had supported the alleged decision not to prosecute her.

Dr Faith Nabushawo has challenged Mwenda to produce evidence to support his allegation that Museveni had personally shielded Kemigisha from prosecution. She said an allegation that a sitting President had covered up a murder was too serious to be made without evidence.

“You don’t get to say a President covered up a 1999 murder and then just move on,” Nabushawo wrote. “To say that a sitting President covered up a murder is not a throwaway line,” she added. Nabushawo called on Mwenda to publish the investigation file, court record or other evidence showing that Museveni had blocked prosecution.

“If you have the investigation file, court record or named evidence that Museveni blocked prosecution in the 1999 Kijanangoma case, put it out,” she said. “If you don’t, you are circulating a killing allegation as political content. That is reckless,” Nabushawo added. Daudi Kabanda, meanwhile, appealed for restraint and compassion towards the Queen Mother following the death of King Oyo.

Kabanda quoted Deputy Speaker Thomas Tayebwa’s remarks at the burial, in which Tayebwa had contrasted the loss of a king with the loss suffered by his mother. “We have lost a king whom we shall replace, we have lost a friend whom we shall replace, but Queen mother has lost a son whom she will never replace,” Tayebwa was quoted as saying.

Kabanda said the remarks had been a reminder that the Queen Mother was mourning the loss of her son. “This statement reminds us that while the Kingdom will get another king, The Queen Mother Best Kemigisha has lost her own child,” he said. He called for respect and privacy for the Queen Mother as she mourned. “She deserves to be respected as a mother and allowed to mourn her son in whichever way she chooses. Let us give her grace, respect and privacy in this painful period,” Kabanda said.

Mwenda alleged succession manipulation

Mwenda, however, maintained that the dispute surrounding Oyo’s burial and succession had been part of what he described as a wider pattern of interference in Tooro affairs. He alleged that the Queen Mother had attempted to install her grandnephew on the throne contrary to established customs. He also accused her of forging King Oyo’s will, an allegation that had become part of the wider dispute over the late king’s wishes.

“A few days ago, she tried to get her grand nephew and hoist him onto our throne contrary to established custom. She forged a will of the late Oyo,” Mwenda alleged. He further accused her of manipulating and vilifying members of the kingdom. “She has lied, intrigued, vilified and manipulated the kingdom. And we kept silent,” he wrote.

‘There was a limit’

Mwenda said the Batooro had tolerated what he described as decades of interference but warned that their patience had run out. “We are kind, tolerant and patient but we are not stupid or cowards. There is a limit to how much we can tolerate,” he said.

“Kemigisa cannot continue with these machinations and get away with them. Not anymore! PERIOD!” Mwenda declared.

Succession dispute deepened

The allegations came at a sensitive time for Tooro, following the death of King Oyo at the age of 34. His death had triggered renewed debate over succession, the interpretation of his wishes and the role of members of the royal family in determining the next Omukama. The controversy had also exposed divisions within the royal establishment, with competing positions emerging over the late king’s will and the process for selecting his successor.

Mwenda’s claims about the 1999 killing added another serious dimension to the dispute because they directly accused the Queen Mother of involvement in a historical murder and alleged presidential protection.

Claims remained unproven

The allegations made by Mwenda were serious but remained allegations. He did not provide in his post the investigation file, court record or other documentary evidence to independently establish his claims concerning Kemigisha or Museveni.

Nabushawo’s response therefore put the focus on whether Mwenda could produce the evidence he said existed. If such evidence existed, it could potentially provide a basis for renewed scrutiny of the 1999 case through the appropriate legal institutions.

The controversy consequently moved beyond the current succession dispute and raised questions about whether historical allegations involving the Tooro royal family should be addressed through documented evidence and established legal processes.

For the time being, Mwenda’s accusations added another explosive layer to an already bitter Tooro succession dispute, as the kingdom mourned the death of King Oyo and attempted to navigate divisions within the royal establishment.

The Kampala-Entebbe Expressway, once presented as a flagship symbol of Uganda’s modern transport infrastructure, has become the centre of a parliamentary storm over how public money is collected, managed and accounted for.

The controversy came to a head on Tuesday, August 25, 2026, when the Chairperson of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Physical Infrastructure, Mwine Mpaka, presented to Parliament the committee’s report on its oversight inquiry into the management, operation and toll collection system of the 24/25-kilometre expressway.

The report paints a troubling picture of an expensive road whose tolling system has failed to deliver the level of transparency, automation and value for money expected from a major public infrastructure project. At the centre of the MPs’ concern is a basic question: At what cost and to whose benefit is Uganda operating the Kampala-Entebbe Expressway?

Parliament’s inquiry found that Government has collected substantial toll revenue since the road opened, but a large proportion of the money has been committed to private operators under arrangements MPs say require urgent review. The committee consequently made 14 recommendations, the most dramatic being a call for Government to terminate the existing toll-operation arrangement and take over management and toll collection through the Ministry of Works and Transport.

The committee also proposed that the Uganda Revenue Authority (URA) take responsibility for collecting toll revenue, with proceeds placed in an account dedicated to servicing the loan used to construct the expressway.

The Shs122.86 billion question

The committee’s investigation has brought renewed scrutiny to the original contract awarded to French company EGIS Road Operation S.A. The contract was awarded in 2021 and took effect on May 24, 2021, for five years. It was valued at approximately Shs122.86 billion, with an option for an extension of up to 24 months subject to satisfactory performance.

The arrangement was designed to provide expertise in toll collection, road maintenance, traffic management, financial management and operation of the expressway. However, MPs questioned whether the financial structure represented value for money. According to evidence presented to the committee, the initial five-year projected toll revenue was approximately Shs146.47 billion, only marginally higher than the contracted price of Shs122.86 billion.

By June 2026, the total toll revenue collected was reported at about Shs191.15 billion, according to figures presented to Parliament. This prompted Mpaka and his colleagues to question why Government had entered into an arrangement in which a significant share of the revenue generated by a public road was committed to its private operator.

The road itself was financed through a US$350 million loan, and the toll revenues were expected to contribute to repayment of that debt. Instead, the committee concluded that the contractual model risked consuming resources that should be helping Government service the loan.

Pinnacle enters the storm

The controversy did not end with EGIS. After EGIS’s five-year arrangement came to an end in May 2026, responsibility for toll operations was transferred to Pinnacle Security Limited, reportedly through a novation arrangement. Pinnacle is owned by journalist Moses Matsiko Baryamujura.

The committee has now questioned the circumstances under which Pinnacle was allowed to take over the operation. Parliament heard that Pinnacle was awarded a toll collection arrangement costing about Shs36 billion annually. MPs questioned how the company could be entrusted with such a critical public revenue function without what they considered adequate independent due diligence.

The committee was particularly concerned that Pinnacle appeared to have acquired the necessary experience to manage the toll operation in only about six months. During the inquiry, the committee’s Vice Chairperson, Engineer William Taylor Tiyo, questioned the logic of allowing the former operator to effectively mentor a successor and then assume that the successor possessed sufficient capacity.

The arrangement, MPs argued, raised questions about procurement, competition, technical competence and value for money. This is why the recommendation to cancel the arrangement involving Pinnacle has become one of the most consequential aspects of the parliamentary report. The committee wants Government to stop treating toll collection as an ordinary outsourced service and instead regard it as a critical public revenue function requiring direct accountability.

The toll system that is not entirely electronic

Perhaps the most damaging evidence emerged when MPs conducted an on-site inspection of the toll gates.

On August 11, 2026, members of the committee witnessed a bus that should have paid Shs15,000 being allowed through after an electronic toll card intended for a light vehicle, attracting a Shs5,000 charge, was manually used to open the barrier.

The incident shocked MPs because it demonstrated that human intervention remained possible in a system that was expected to be automated. For Mpaka’s committee, the incident was more than an isolated technical problem. It exposed what the legislators regarded as a major vulnerability in a system responsible for collecting billions of shillings in public revenue.

If an operator can manually override a toll charge, MPs argued, the possibility of undercharging, revenue leakage and manipulation cannot be ignored. The committee therefore recommended a comprehensive review of the electronic tolling system and greater government control over the technology and revenue trail.

Where is the software and hardware?

Another major concern was the ownership and accessibility of the tolling technology. MPs questioned the status of the software and hardware supplied during the development of the expressway’s tolling infrastructure.

Evidence presented during the inquiry suggested that CCCC, the Chinese contractor involved in the expressway project, supplied hardware, but Government had difficulties tracing or establishing full access to the corresponding software and technological infrastructure.

This raised a fundamental question: How can Government effectively control a public toll road when it does not have complete control or access to the technological system through which the money is collected? The committee argued that Government must establish ownership, custody and accessibility of all tolling hardware, software, databases and related intellectual property. The absence of full technological control, MPs warned, creates both a financial and security vulnerability.

10,446 vehicles and the revenue leakage question

The committee’s concerns were strengthened by discrepancies in vehicle records. Parliament heard that thousands of vehicle movements could not be reconciled across tolling records. The inquiry cited 10,446 vehicles that could not be reconciled for specified periods, with suspected revenue shortfalls running into more than Shs1 billion. Another internal audit reportedly identified 93 vehicles captured by CCTV entering and passing through a toll point but missing from the toll-system records.

For a tolling system, the audit trail should theoretically allow Government to establish how many vehicles entered, their categories, the applicable charges and the amount paid. The discrepancies therefore became central to the committee’s call for a forensic audit.

Internal auditors questioned

The report also scrutinised the work of internal audit and management officials. The committee questioned whether responsible officials had adequately exercised their oversight responsibilities, including the former leadership of UNRA. Mpaka’s committee accused former officials of failing to adequately protect Government from financial loss.

The report specifically questioned decisions that resulted in the initiation of a contract valued at approximately Shs122 billion, despite the fact that Government had a loan obligation to repay for construction of the road. The concern was that the cost of operating the road was consuming resources that should have been directed towards servicing the debt.

The committee consequently recommended investigations into officials responsible for the procurement, supervision and extension of the contracts. It also called for forensic scrutiny of the operations and revenue collections of both EGIS and Pinnacle from their inception.

Government takeover

The centrepiece of the committee’s recommendations is a fundamental change in the management model. Mpaka’s committee wants the Ministry of Works and Transport to immediately take over the operation and maintenance of the expressway. The legislators argue that direct government management could reduce expenditure on private contractual arrangements and ensure that more toll revenue is available for maintenance and loan repayment.

The committee further recommended that toll collection be moved towards an electronic system and that URA play a role in revenue collection. The proposal is intended to create a clearer separation between road operation and revenue collection while strengthening accountability. However, the committee recognised that Government must establish an efficient institutional mechanism if it is to manage the road itself.

Engineer Isaac Menya of the Ministry of Works and Transport told MPs that Government could directly manage toll collection, provided an appropriate structure was created to ensure that funds were available for road maintenance. He cited Ethiopia’s state-managed toll roads and Kenya’s public-private partnership model as examples from which Uganda could draw lessons.

The Attorney General throws a legal spanner in the works

Just as Parliament moved to demand cancellation, the Attorney General’s office warned that terminating the existing arrangement without following the contractual and legal process could expose Uganda to expensive litigation and international arbitration. Deputy Attorney General Jackson Karugaba Kafuuzi told Parliament that Government could not simply terminate a legally enforceable contract.

The Attorney General’s position was that the Ministry should first establish whether the operator had breached contractual obligations and follow the termination provisions contained in the agreement. The legal advice also reportedly supported a forensic audit of EGIS and Pinnacle’s revenue systems from the beginning of their operations. The legal position presents Parliament and Government with a difficult balancing act.

On one hand, MPs want the contract cancelled because they believe the arrangement has exposed Government to financial losses and weak accountability. On the other, an abrupt termination could expose taxpayers to compensation claims and arbitration.

The Attorney General also cautioned against simply transferring the entire toll-collection mandate to URA without addressing the legal framework. Under the Roads Act, toll collection falls within the responsibility of the relevant roads authority, meaning legislative or institutional changes may be necessary before URA can assume the function in its entirety.

Who benefits?

That question now hangs over the entire expressway saga. The road was constructed with borrowed money. Its tolls were expected to generate revenue to help repay that debt. Yet Parliament has found itself investigating a system in which billions of shillings have been paid to private operators while weaknesses remain in the collection and accounting mechanisms.

The committee’s report therefore goes beyond Pinnacle and EGIS. It questions the entire philosophy of outsourcing the management of a strategic national asset. The committee wants Government to establish exactly how much has been collected, how much has been paid to contractors, what has been lost through leakages, who authorised the contractual decisions and whether the original procurement represented value for money. It also wants responsible officials held accountable where investigations establish negligence or abuse of office.

A road built for 20 years, a contract built around five

Another issue underlying the committee’s recommendations is the lifespan of the expressway. Government borrowed heavily to build an asset expected to serve the country for decades, with the road’s lifespan projected at about 20 years. Yet the management and tolling arrangements were structured around a five-year operational contract, creating concern that the country may have surrendered a significant part of the road’s revenue-generating potential to private operators.

The committee now wants Government to rethink the model before more public resources are committed. For MPs, the objective is not simply to cancel a contract. It is to establish a tolling system in which the public can see the money collected, the money spent, the cost of maintaining the road and the amount going towards repayment of the construction loan.

The parliamentary inquiry has therefore turned the Kampala-Entebbe Expressway into a test case for Uganda’s management of major infrastructure assets. The central message from Mpaka’s committee is blunt: a public road built with borrowed money cannot become a private revenue machine operating beyond effective public scrutiny.

But with the Attorney General warning of potential legal and financial consequences, the battle over the expressway is far from over. What began as an inquiry into toll collection has now become a much bigger confrontation over procurement, public finance, technology, accountability and control of one of Uganda’s most expensive roads. The question facing Government is no longer simply how to collect tolls. It is who should collect them, who should control the system, how much should it cost and, ultimately, whether the people of Uganda are getting value from the road they borrowed billions to build.

In a strongly worded response, Rwabwogo has rejected what he described as attempts to convict suspects through social media, while insisting that PACEID remains a lawful and operational presidential institution.

His intervention came after Gen Muhoozi declared PACEID an “illegal organisation”, threatened arrests of its members over alleged corruption and warned radio and television stations against hosting its officials.

The confrontation intensified further with the reported arrest of Matthew Bagonza, a senior PACEID official and close aide to Rwabwogo. Gen Muhoozi subsequently confirmed Bagonza’s arrest and publicly commented on his detention.

But instead of retreating, Rwabwogo has come out fighting. “If there is a case on anyone, let it be brought before a competent court and tried fairly and impartially,” Rwabwogo said.

“Both the arrest and the treatment of a presumed offender should follow the law, be humane not humiliating and give the constitution, the people and God the dignity and humanness one deserves. Let the evidence be tested.”

He added: “Matthew Bagonza can defend himself and the institution he works for. And let the law take its course.”

Rwabwogo challenges Muhoozi’s authority

The strongest part of Rwabwogo’s response was his rejection of the suggestion that PACEID could simply be shut down by a social-media declaration.

“On the second matter, I want to be equally clear. PACEID is operational and PACEID is lawful and reports to H.E. the President and all our quarterly and annual reports are consistent on what we have achieved and the ideas we have brought forward for our country, its entrepreneurs and exports sector,” he said.

Rwabwogo pointed to March 16, 2022, when President Yoweri Museveni commissioned PACEID.

“We were commissioned on 16 March 2022. Institutions begin through a process and, if a mandate is ever changed, that too must happen through a due process. An anonymous message on social media is not that process,” he said.

PACEID’s own profile says it was commissioned by President Museveni on March 16, 2022, as a think tank advising him on strategic and systemic interventions aimed at accelerating export growth and industrial development.

The Government Communication and Information Centre also records Museveni commissioning the committee at State Lodge, Nakasero, with the stated purpose of building consensus among government institutions, the private sector, exporters, producers and technical officials around increasing Uganda’s exports.

Rwabwogo therefore appears to be drawing a line between the authority of the CDF and the legal or administrative process through which a presidential institution can be altered or dissolved.

He concluded his statement by reassuring PACEID’s international partners. “We encourage all International partners, those who hold export orders, our global trade representatives in several countries, our logistics partners, those financing value chains in the 13 products, to have peace and keep all due activities as usual,” he said.

Muhoozi’s crackdown

The latest confrontation began when Gen Muhoozi announced that PACEID was illegal and that arrests would begin immediately.

“PACEID is an illegal organisation. We shall start arresting its members immediately,” Muhoozi wrote. In another post, he said: “We are going to arrest ALL the members of PACEID involved in corruption.”

He also warned media organisations against giving PACEID officials airtime, saying radio and television stations that hosted members of what he described as the outlawed institution would face “severe consequences.”

The threats were followed by the reported arrest of Bagonza, who heads the PACEID secretariat and has worked closely with Rwabwogo. Muhoozi later shared Bagonza’s photograph on X and confirmed that he had been arrested.

Muhoozi has also said that President Museveni instructed him to pursue people allegedly involved in criminal activity within PACEID. However, Rwabwogo subsequently said that when he sought clarification from Museveni, the President told him he had neither known about nor ordered Bagonza’s arrest.

That claim introduces another dramatic dimension into the dispute: whether the crackdown represents a formally authorised government action or a security intervention being driven independently.

A feud that refuses to die

The current confrontation is not the first time Muhoozi and Rwabwogo have publicly clashed. The relationship between the two men has been under intense scrutiny because Rwabwogo is married to Patience Kokundeka Museveni Rwabwogo, President Museveni’s daughter and Muhoozi’s younger sister. Their differences burst into the open in August 2024 when Muhoozi publicly described Rwabwogo as “the biggest thief in Uganda” in a post questioning why Museveni was photographed with him.

The attack came amid Muhoozi’s anger over the arrest of his political ally, Michael Mawanda, in a corruption case. Rwabwogo responded without directly naming Muhoozi, accusing his attackers of spreading lies designed to divert attention from his work.

“I ask that you leave us out of this shallowness because we don’t have time to abandon what matters for our country to engage in that which seeks to destroy all of us as a country,” Rwabwogo said at the time.

He also denied an audio recording allegedly containing insulting remarks directed at Muhoozi, saying the voice was not his.

The 2024 confrontation was significant because it transformed what had previously been discussed largely as an internal family and political disagreement into an open public feud.

The PLU factor

The latest dispute has also drawn in supporters of Muhoozi’s Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU), including Kasambya County MP Daudi Kabanda.

Kabanda mocked Rwabwogo’s appeal for due process, suggesting that the PACEID chairman was now experiencing the same treatment ordinary Ugandans have complained about.

“Now that Rwabwogo is also crying for help in the media like any of us, now those who have been shouting leave First Family matters know the members of the first family,” Kabanda wrote.

“Stop fearing Scarecrows (Waringa) we are all variables. If Rwabwogo and I are BAKOPI, Rwabwogo is a pro max.”

Kabanda nevertheless appealed to Muhoozi to forgive Bagonza. “Afande just forgive Bagonza, he is a loyal cadre who was misled,” he said.

His intervention reflects the increasingly political character of the confrontation, with the PACEID dispute becoming intertwined with the contest of influence surrounding Muhoozi and PLU. Isaac N. Mpanga also weighed into the debate with a pointed political analogy.

“Karl Max’s theory of dialectical materialism presupposes that for every antagonistic force there is a protagonist force and a constant struggle to overthrow each other until the perfect utopian socialist society is attained,” Mpanga wrote.

“Who knew where opposition to PLU would come from!?” The remark was widely interpreted as a reference to the growing tension between Rwabwogo and the Muhoozi-led political camp.

Ofwono Opondo raises the bigger question

Former government spokesperson Ofwono Opondo offered a different perspective, focusing not so much on the merits of the PACEID controversy but on the access enjoyed by members of the First Family.

“My brother Odrek Rwabwogo is very lucky and privileged to have immediate direct access to President Museveni,” Ofwono wrote. “Now pity those without! How do they get heard or attended to. SAD.”

His observation highlights one of the central questions raised by the confrontation: if a powerful presidential adviser and member of the First Family can struggle to have his side heard, what happens to ordinary Ugandans caught in similar disputes with security agencies?

Calls for accountability

Not everyone responding to Rwabwogo’s statement has simply endorsed him.

Atukunda Isaac thanked Rwabwogo for speaking out about the rights of suspects but challenged him to address questions surrounding PACEID itself.

“Thank you Mr. @OdrekRwabwogo for adding your voice in demanding for respect of criminal suspects’ Human Rights,” Atukunda wrote. “I wish you could always do it for all suspects irrespective of who they are!”

He then demanded clarification on the corruption allegations against PACEID and questioned whether they could be politically motivated.

Atukunda also raised an institutional question: whether PACEID duplicates the work of the Uganda Free Zones and Export Promotion Authority and whether the two entities should be merged to reduce public expenditure.

Another commentator, Tiina Nyenstya, agreed with Rwabwogo on due process but warned that PACEID should not use legality as a shield against public scrutiny.

“Public institutions and publicly funded programmes are legitimate subjects of public scrutiny,” she argued, adding that being operational and reporting to the President should not place an institution “beyond accountability.”

She urged PACEID to publish its mandate, reports, results and legal framework so that the public could assess its performance.

Muhoozi misses Patience’s big day

The renewed family tension has also cast a shadow over a major event in the Museveni family.

On Sunday, August 23, Patience Rwabwogo was consecrated as an Episcopal Bishop of Covenant Nations Church during celebrations marking 20 years since the establishment of her ministry. The ceremony at Covenant Hill in Maya brought together senior Christian leaders, government officials, family members and international religious figures.

Patience became the first woman to be ordained as a bishop in Uganda, according to the Uganda Broadcasting Corporation. President Museveni attended and congratulated his daughter, while First Lady Janet Museveni celebrated the milestone and spoke of Patience’s two decades of ministry.

But conspicuously absent from the ceremony was Muhoozi. His absence raised eyebrows because the event was not merely a religious function but a major family occasion involving his sister.

The absence became particularly striking given that Muhoozi subsequently congratulated Patience publicly, joking that he could “NEVER be a priest” because he loves “the other things of women too much.”

His decision not to attend, coming amid the continuing tensions with Rwabwogo, inevitably fed speculation about the state of relations within the family.

There is, however, no public evidence establishing that Muhoozi’s absence was caused by the dispute with Rwabwogo. What is clear is that the timing has made the absence politically and symbolically significant.

A battle bigger than PACEID?

PACEID’s defence is now becoming a test of institutional authority, presidential administration and the limits of security power.

For Rwabwogo, the argument is straightforward: if officials are accused of wrongdoing, they should be investigated, arrested were justified and tried in accordance with the law. But an institution commissioned by the President cannot, in his view, be dissolved through a social-media post.

For Muhoozi and his supporters, however, the issue is increasingly being framed around accountability and alleged corruption.

The danger is that the dispute could continue to move beyond the personalities of two brothers-in-law and become a broader contest over who has the authority to speak for the President, who controls political influence around the First Family and how far security institutions can intervene in civilian administrative structures.

For now, Rwabwogo has chosen confrontation rather than retreat. His message is that PACEID remains open, its mandate remains intact and its work should continue. “Let the evidence be tested,” he said.

And with those words, the latest chapter in the Muhoozi-Rwabwogo feud appears far from over.

The loan, which was passed after heated debate on the floor of Parliament, will facilitate the construction of 427 solar-powered irrigation systems across the country, targeting coffee-growing areas in 126 districts.Finance Minister Henry Musasizi defended the borrowing request, arguing that Uganda’s agriculture sector is increasingly under threat from prolonged droughts, erratic rainfall and the growing effects of climate change.

According to Musasizi, the project seeks to increase coffee production and productivity by ensuring farmers have reliable access to water throughout the year.”The goal of this project is to contribute to increased yields of coffee production through provision of water for irrigation in 126 districts,” Musasizi told Parliament.

Government Banking on Success of Phase I

The minister revealed that Phase I of the project has been largely successful, with over 99 percent physical completion achieved. A total of 434 irrigation systems have already been developed under the first phase and are reportedly delivering economic benefits to farming communities across Uganda.

Musasizi said the completed systems have enhanced water security and agricultural productivity for more than 206,000 households and nearly one million Ugandans.”Collectively, these initiatives have enhanced water security and productivity for 206,465 households and a total population of 908,447 people across Uganda,” he said.

Government believes the lessons and achievements from Phase I justify the expansion of the programme through additional borrowing.Officials from the Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries (MAAIF) say irrigation has become one of the most important tools in ensuring farmers continue producing food and cash crops despite changing weather patterns.

Climate Change Forcing Government Action

The approval comes at a time when many parts of Uganda are experiencing increasingly unpredictable weather conditions.Agricultural experts have repeatedly warned that prolonged dry spells are destroying crops, reducing yields and pushing thousands of rural households deeper into poverty.

Musasizi told legislators that climate change is no longer a future threat but a current reality affecting farmers across the country. “The effects of climate change are continuing to escalate and the available water resources for agricultural production are constantly decreasing,” he said.

He noted that farmers are losing substantial harvests during prolonged droughts, which directly affects household incomes and national agricultural output.Government believes solar-powered irrigation offers a sustainable solution because it reduces dependence on expensive fuel-powered pumps while taking advantage of Uganda’s abundant sunshine.

Thousands of Farmers Expected to Benefit

The new phase is expected to directly benefit approximately 2,562 households, translating into nearly 11,785 direct beneficiaries. Officials say the project will particularly target coffee farmers, helping them maintain production even during dry seasons.

Coffee remains Uganda’s leading export crop and one of the country’s biggest foreign exchange earners. Agriculture ministry officials argue that improving irrigation infrastructure could significantly boost coffee yields, improve quality and increase export revenues.The project will also work through existing extension service structures at district, parish and sub-county levels. Government plans to use agricultural extension officers and coffee specialists to train farmers on effective water management, irrigation practices and modern farming techniques.

Political Analysts Divided

The approval of the loan has generated mixed reactions among political observers. Political analyst Dr. Frederick Golooba-Mutebi says investing in irrigation is one of the few areas where government borrowing can be justified because it directly supports production.

“Uganda’s economy remains heavily dependent on agriculture. Any investment that increases productivity and protects farmers from climate-related losses has potential long-term benefits,” he said. However, he cautioned that proper supervision will be critical.

“The challenge has never been the availability of loans. The challenge has been implementation and accountability. Parliament must ensure that every shilling borrowed translates into visible results on the ground.”

Another political commentator, Dr. Sarah Bireete, welcomed the objective of the project but questioned Uganda’s growing appetite for external borrowing.”Government must demonstrate that previous loans have delivered value for money. Citizens are increasingly concerned about the rising public debt burden,” she said.She added that transparency in procurement and project implementation would determine whether the initiative achieves its intended impact.

Economists Weigh In

Economic analysts have also weighed in on the newly approved loan. Economist Ramathan Ggoobi has previously emphasized that irrigation is a strategic investment because agriculture employs the majority of Ugandans.Analysts argue that increased agricultural productivity can stimulate rural economies, create jobs and improve household incomes.

Economic commentator Julius Mukunda said the project has the potential to generate positive returns if properly managed. “Irrigation helps farmers move away from dependence on rain-fed agriculture. That increases predictability and productivity, which is exactly what Uganda needs to strengthen its agricultural exports,” he noted.

However, Mukunda warned that government should carefully monitor project costs and ensure local communities actively participate in implementation.”Borrowing itself is not necessarily bad. The real question is whether the borrowed funds create economic value that exceeds the cost of repayment.”

Rising Debt Concerns

Despite widespread support for agricultural modernization, concerns remain about Uganda’s expanding debt portfolio. Recent government reports show that Uganda continues to borrow heavily to finance infrastructure and development projects.

Critics argue that while many projects appear promising on paper, poor implementation sometimes undermines their effectiveness. Some opposition legislators reportedly expressed concern that Parliament continues approving large loans while public debt obligations continue rising. Others questioned whether the projected beneficiaries justify the scale of borrowing involved.Government officials, however, insist that productive investments such as irrigation are necessary if Uganda is to achieve its long-term development goals.

A New Chapter for Agriculture?

As Uganda pushes towards commercial agriculture and increased export earnings, irrigation is increasingly being viewed as a critical tool for transforming the sector.

Experts agree that climate change has made traditional farming methods more vulnerable than ever before.For thousands of coffee farmers struggling with unreliable rainfall, the promise of solar-powered irrigation could mean the difference between bumper harvests and devastating losses.

Whether the newly approved loan becomes a success story or another burden on taxpayers will depend largely on implementation, accountability and the ability of government agencies to deliver tangible results.For now, Parliament has given the green light, and all eyes will be on government to ensure that the billions borrowed translate into greener farms, higher coffee yields and improved livelihoods for ordinary Ugandans.

What begins as a seemingly harmless comment about Nameere’s disputed election victory quickly turns into a no-holds-barred exchange of accusations, threats of court action and personal attacks. The public showdown unfolds on X, formerly Twitter, where thousands of Ugandans watch in disbelief as two prominent women engage in a war of words that many describe as embarrassing, shocking and entertaining in equal measure.

THE POST THAT STARTS IT ALL

The drama starts when Nsibirwa who prefers to be called the hot CEO chick in town questions the circumstances under which Nameere becomes Woman MP for Masaka City. “How do you explain the MP election debacle? The law was broken to declare you winner,” Nsibirwa posts. The comment immediately ignites debate, with some social media users backing the media executive while others accuse her of targeting the newly appointed minister.

One user, Justice Hunter, dismisses the criticism and writes: “Which law hasn’t been broken in Uganda? Let Justine Nameere lead. The Constitution of Uganda was shredded long time.” Another user, Pharidah, warns Nsibirwa that she may have opened a dangerous battlefront. “She will go off on you… be prepared.”

NAMEERE DROPS A BOMB

Instead of responding directly to the election question, Nameere launches a blistering personal attack against the NMG boss.

“Nsibirwa, I stood surety for you in 2015. Your fellow managers at Vision Group refused to help you out of Police because you had become a recidivist due to your known alcohol and njaga (marijuana) problem!” Nameere writes. She then asks: “So when the law gives you bond it’s right but when it saves my cheated victory, then the law is bent?” The allegations spread like wildfire across social media, triggering fierce reactions from both supporters and critics. Nameere continues her offensive. “I hate to remind people when I help them especially omukazi omukulu. But the jealousy and hypocrisy of some people is going to force us to expose them. When I was declared MP she congratulated me. When I became a Minister she suddenly has a problem with my MP victory. Naye kiki?”

NSIBIRWA LAWYERS UP

The accusations immediately provoke a furious response from Nsibirwa. “Lies lies and more lies… because that’s who you are. And this can definitely land you in court for defamation. Let’s go!!” The legal threat only adds fuel to the raging online battle. Nsibirwa later doubles down.

“Keep building the case file. I am here for it… as are my lawyers.” As the exchange intensifies, social media users begin debating whether the fight will end in court.

SHEILAH GASHUMBA JOINS THE FIGHT

Media personality Sheilah Gashumba appears to side with Nameere. “Hehe Justine Nameere just put the woman in her place real quick.” Gashumba also questions why Nsibirwa publicly challenged a minister.

“For your information, this is a minister whether you agree to it or not. She might not be your favorite but that’s it. If she has done something wrong, DM her not on her page. Grow up.” Her comments spark another wave of reactions online.

KABUSHENGA RUSHES TO DEFEND HIS SUE

Former Vision Group CEO Robert Kabushenga publicly comes to Nsibirwa’s defence and delivers what many users describe as a powerful rebuttal. “I worked with Susan Nsibirwa between 2011 and 2019 as her supervisor when she headed our marketing function. Not once was she ever apprehended as a suspect in or charged with a criminal offense.”

Kabushenga further praises her integrity. “In fact, she left two years before me with her record of high integrity and stellar performance.”

He adds that any such allegations would have surfaced years ago if they were true. “I am certain that her current employer would have done due diligence before entrusting her with her present role.” For starters Kabushenga and Nsibirwa are the architects of the most successfully project at Vision Group dubbed ‘Harvest Money Expo’.

LAWYERS AND ACTIVISTS WEIGH IN

Prominent lawyer Nicholas Opiyo joins the debate. “Is there a bail bond form she can share? Or is it a political bluff calculated to besmirch the good name of Sue Nsibirwa?”

Veteran politician Wafula Oguttu also weighs in. “From the little she has so far displayed in the media about herself in the past six months, she lacks credibility to be believed.”

Author and activist Kakwenza Rukirabashaija warns Nameere about possible legal consequences. “Slow down. Your godfathers might protect your political interests, but don’t think they will protect you against a civil suit.”

‘WHAT ARE YOUNG GIRLS LEARNING?’

Arnold Ankunda expresses disappointment with the public spectacle. “You women, do you even realize that somewhere in Teso, Yumbe, Mukono, Ntungamo and many other places, young girls are looking up to you? What exactly are they supposed to learn from you?”

His comments resonate with many Ugandans who believe public leaders should set a better example.

SOCIAL MEDIA TURNS THE FIGHT INTO ENTERTAINMENT

Not everyone sees the exchange as a serious matter. Pastor Martin Ssempa jokes: “This catfight violence is exactly why I pay Elon to be on X.”

Johnnie Musenze declares: “Gabriel yagikubye bweru… gwawedde 3:1 in favor of Nameere.”

Others strongly disagree. Mak Eyee writes: “Susan Nsibirwa and Justine Nameere’s battle is the most unbalanced I have ever seen. It’s like a rat biting an elephant and calling itself a hero.”

NINYE TABZ ENTERS THE WAR

Just when many thought the online battle could not get any hotter, social media commentator Ninye Tabz jumps into the fray and publicly demands that Nameere apologize to Nsibirwa.

“Nameere should apologize to Nsibirwa immediately, less of which, I’ll go rogue too and present some receipts of our beloved minister doing un-ministerial things.” The statement immediately catches Nameere’s attention and triggers another fiery exchange. In a lengthy response, the minister accuses Ninye Tabz of blackmail and intimidation.

“Nameere making those false allegations against Madam Sue will be the last time she does anything like that! I am going to teach you about a law called threatening violence! You have 30 minutes to delete these threats or face the real law!”

She continues: “You have struggled so bad to blackmail me and get my attention! I ignored you but still you won’t respect my silence because it is a completely different language that people like you understand!” Nameere insists that social media users are increasingly supporting her position. “Ugandans are slowly realizing that social media bullies like you don’t respect silence, that is why they are taking my side in as much as you are shouting indiscipline! Indiscipline!”

The minister also questions why Ninye Tabz is demanding an apology if Nsibirwa intends to pursue legal action. “Why are you soliciting for an apology if Nsibirwa is going to court?” She then broadens her attack, accusing the media executive of taking political positions while heading a major media organization. “Tell your mother or mentor or wife or hirer or whatever Nsibirwa is to you, to respect the media group she works for. She is always taking political sides, attacking NRM leaders, expecting what? What is her end in mind?” Nameere concludes with a warning.

“Lastly I know you are a mouth for hire but threatening me is a very bad idea! Very bad idea!” The exchange quickly becomes one of the most discussed threads on Ugandan X, adding yet another layer of drama to the already explosive confrontation.

WHO WILL HAVE THE LAST WORD?

Communications professional Patrick Oyulu aka OPP says the argument should have focused on the original question. “Susan asked a question. Whether one agrees with her or not, questions deserve answers, not personal demolition exercises.” He argues that Ugandan politics often avoids difficult discussions.

“The difficult question may be about process, law, accountability or leadership. But because those discussions are uncomfortable, we search where the light is brightest: personal attacks, old grudges, character assassination and social media theatrics.”

For now, both women remain defiant. Nameere shows no signs of backing down while Nsibirwa insists her lawyers are ready.Whether the battle remains online or moves to the courtroom, one thing is certain: Uganda’s latest social media war has captured national attention and turned X into a battlefield where reputations, credibility and political influence are all on the line.

]]> https://theinvestigatornews.com/2026/06/no-more-hiding-behind-masks-opm-big-shots-nabbed-in-refugee-cash-scandal-security-tightens-net-as-more-arrests-loom/#utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=no-more-hiding-behind-masks-opm-big-shots-nabbed-in-refugee-cash-scandal-security-tightens-net-as-more-arrests-loom Fri, 05 Jun 2026 12:48:53 +0000 https://theinvestigatornews.com/?p=8502 The days of dining on public funds and sleeping peacefully appear to be coming to a dramatic end as President Yoweri Museveni’s seventh-term slogan, “Kisanja No Sleep,” begins to take on a frightening meaning for corrupt government officials. Across ministries, departments and agencies, panic is reportedly spreading like wildfire following the arrest of senior officials from the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) by the Inspectorate of Government (IGG) over allegations of extorting money from vulnerable asylum seekers seeking refugee status in Uganda.

FEAR GRIPS GOVERNMENT CORRIDORS

The dramatic arrests have sent shockwaves through government corridors, with sources claiming that some officials suspected to be under investigation are already quietly clearing their desks, moving personal belongings and exploring ways to distance themselves from offices they once proudly occupied. And if the mood within public offices is anything to go by, many are realizing that there may be nowhere left to hide.

The latest crackdown saw IGG investigators swoop on senior officials attached to the Department of Refugees under the Office of the Prime Minister.Among those arrested are Commissioner for Refugee Management Patrick Okello and Assistant Commissioner Douglas Asiimwe.

Others taken into custody include Geoffrey Mugabe, a Senior Settlement Commandant; Noel Ekwap, Head of Information Technology; Henry Bweme, a Registration Officer; Arnold Nadiope, a Refugee Status Interviewing Officer; and Pakistani national Zafar Ahmad.

HOW THE ALLEGED SCHEME OPERATED

According to preliminary investigations, Ahmad allegedly acted as the middleman between refugees and officials, facilitating transactions that investigators believe were part of a sophisticated extortion racket. Sources familiar with the investigations say the operation was meticulously planned and executed after intelligence indicated that desperate asylum seekers were allegedly being forced to part with money in exchange for refugee status and related services.

IGG investigators reportedly carried out search operations and recovered documents believed to be critical evidence in the ongoing probe. The suspects have since recorded statements at IGG offices as investigators dig deeper into what could become one of the most explosive corruption scandals involving Uganda’s refugee management system.

THE IGG’S NET IS WIDENING

But insiders say the arrests may only be the beginning. “Many people are nervous,” a source familiar with anti-corruption operations revealed.

“Some officers are suddenly taking leave. Others are transferring personal belongings from offices. There is genuine fear because everyone knows the IGG is moving very fast and security agencies are fully supporting the operations.”

According to the source, investigators are pursuing several corruption-related files simultaneously and more arrests could be imminent. “There is a feeling that nobody is untouchable anymore,” the source added.

The developments have energized anti-corruption campaigners who believe government has finally shifted into a higher gear in the fight against graft.

‘KISAJA NO SLEEP’ COMES ALIVE

Observers say the latest operation demonstrates unprecedented coordination between the Inspectorate of Government, security agencies and other accountability institutions. One senior government insider described the current atmosphere as “a season of reckoning.”

“For years, some officials believed investigations would never catch up with them. That confidence is disappearing. The message being sent is very clear: if you stole public resources or exploited vulnerable people, prepare to answer.”

The latest arrests have become the biggest talking point in government circles, with many public servants reportedly wondering who could be next.

For some, the President’s “Kisanja No Sleep” slogan is no longer a campaign message—it is becoming a reality.

NO MORE HIDING BEHIND MASKS

Perhaps the most symbolic image of the arrests was a photograph showing some of the suspects seated at the IGG offices wearing face masks, with heads bowed and faces partially hidden. The image quickly went viral on social media.

Many Ugandans interpreted it as a powerful metaphor for the downfall of officials who allegedly operated behind closed doors and hidden networks. One social media user joked that the masks were no longer protecting against dreadful diseases like COVID-19 and EBOLA but against public embarrassment. Political commentators were quick to point out the symbolism.

“The masks tell a story,” one observer remarked. “For years some people allegedly hid behind titles, offices, authority and influence. Today they are hiding behind face masks. But accountability can still find them.”

SOCIAL MEDIA EXPLODES

Veteran journalist and communications expert Arinaitwe Rugyendo captured the public mood in a widely shared post on X.

“Uganda official has won the World Cup for wearing two masks (forehead plus nose and mouth) and can’t breathe after being arrested with six others for allegedly extorting asylum seekers in exchange for refugee status. Name the guy? This is Kisanja No Sleep.”

The post attracted thousands of reactions as Ugandans debated the growing anti-corruption campaign. Many users praised the IGG while others called for even tougher action against officials accused of abusing public office.

BALAAM CALLS FOR PATRIOTIC REPLACEMENTS

Minister for Local Government Balaam Barugahara Ateenyi welcomed the arrests and praised the IGG for taking decisive action. “Good job by the IGG. Soon we should advertise more jobs for patriotic Ugandans to fill such positions.”

His remarks reflected growing frustration among citizens who believe corruption has denied many qualified and honest Ugandans opportunities to serve their country.

REFUGEES AT THE HEART OF THE SCANDAL

The refugee sector has long attracted international funding and humanitarian support intended to assist people fleeing conflict and persecution. Any allegations that officials exploited such vulnerable individuals for personal gain have therefore triggered outrage both locally and internationally.

Human rights activists argue that extorting refugees is particularly disturbing because the victims are often desperate people with nowhere else to turn. “This is not ordinary corruption,” one activist said.

“These are people escaping war, violence and suffering. To demand money from them in exchange for protection is morally unacceptable.”

WHO IS NEXT?

As investigations continue, attention is now turning to who else may be implicated. Sources say investigators are examining documents, electronic records and financial transactions that could reveal wider networks and additional suspects.

The fear gripping some public offices is reportedly so intense that whispers of resignation, emergency meetings and consultations with lawyers have become increasingly common. Whether those fears are justified remains to be seen.

THE FINAL MESSAGE

What is certain, however, is that the anti-corruption war appears to have entered a new phase. For years, corrupt officials laughed off investigations and counted on delays, influence and bureaucracy to shield them.

Today, the atmosphere is different.

-THE IGG IS KNOCKING.

-SECURITY IS WATCHING.

-FILES ARE BEING OPENED.

-INVESTIGATORS ARE MOVING.

And for many who thought they would never be touched, Kisanja No Sleep has finally arrived.

Millions On The Table

Kabonge, who has managed the young content creator’s brand during his rise to fame, insisted that revenues generated from Tenge Tenge’s content have not been hidden from the family.According to him, earnings from skits and promotional deals have been shared with the influencer’s father throughout their working relationship.”From money we earned from the skits we have been sharing it with Tenge Tenge’s father,” Kabonge revealed during the livestream.

The Shs60m Deal That Sparked Questions

The manager further disclosed details of a lucrative commercial arrangement reportedly involving Simbaland, a deal that has now become a focal point in the growing dispute.Kabonge claimed that the six-month contract was expected to bring in Shs60 million but that only Shs30 million was eventually received. “The Simbaland deal was supposed to give us Shs60 million on a six-month contract…”

Father Defends His Share

Tenge Tenge’s father did not deny receiving money from his son’s earnings. Instead, he openly defended his decision, saying the money was used to support his large family. “I am a family man with 10 children in my household and my family is my responsibility…”

Fans Demand Accountability

The father’s comments have divided public opinion. While some sympathize with the financial pressures facing a family supporting many children, others argue that money generated by a child star should be carefully managed and invested for the child’s future.

History Of Child Stars Being Cheated

Many observers say the Tenge Tenge saga mirrors similar stories that have played out across the world, where talented entertainers generated huge revenues only to discover later that they had little control over their earnings.One of the most famous examples is the actor who starred as Xi in The Gods Must Be Crazy.Despite the movie becoming a global sensation and earning millions internationally, reports over the years suggested that the actor received only a small fraction of the wealth generated by the film.

Fame, Money And Trouble

In recent years, internet sensation Tenge Tenge has become one of Uganda’s most recognizable digital personalities.His humorous videos and unique style have attracted millions of views across TikTok and other social media platforms, turning him into a sought-after brand ambassador.The success brought sponsorships, appearances and endorsement opportunities.

Who Owns The Brand?

However, fame and money often bring conflict. As the young creator’s popularity grew, so did questions about who controls the accounts, who negotiates deals and who receives payments on his behalf. The latest public exchanges have only intensified those concerns.

Child Influencers Need Protection

Critics argue that child influencers are particularly vulnerable because they depend on adults to make financial and business decisions for them.Without clear contracts and transparent accounting systems, disagreements can easily escalate into public battles.

A Wake-Up Call For Uganda’s Digital Industry

The controversy has also highlighted the absence of strong regulations governing earnings generated by child influencers in Uganda.Unlike some countries where a percentage of a child actor’s income must legally be preserved in protected trust accounts, Uganda’s digital creator industry remains largely unregulated.

The Battle Is Far from Over

Meanwhile, fans of Tenge Tenge have flooded social media with calls for transparency.Some are demanding independent oversight of the young star’s finances, while others believe all parties involved should sit down and resolve their differences away from the public eye.For many observers, the controversy is about much more than the missing millions. It is about ensuring that the next generation of child stars does not become another chapter in the long history of talented entertainers who made others rich while struggling to secure their own future.

By Staff Reporter

Fallout From “Peter Pan Syndrome” Remarks

The tensions between Gen Muhoozi and Baryomunsi stem from remarks made earlier this year when Baryomunsi, then serving as ICT Minister, criticized Muhoozi and some of his supporters. During a political debate, Baryomunsi allegedly described the Chief of Defence Forces as suffering from “Peter Pan syndrome,” suggesting that Gen Muhoozi behaved immaturely despite his senior military position.The remarks appeared to deeply anger Gen Muhoozi, who accused Baryomunsi not only of insulting him personally but also disrespecting his family.“Someone had the audacity of calling me ‘Peter Pan’ a few months ago. Then he abused my mother by saying she raised me badly. There will be hell to pay!” Muhoozi posted online.In another strongly worded statement, the bitter PLU leader demanded an apology from the newly appointed Health Minister.“Either that small boy Baryomunsi apologises to me or else I will destroy him. I think Mzee was given wrong information in appointing Baryomunsi. He did not have all the facts,” Gen Muhoozi said. The comments quickly generated debate on social media and among political observers, with many questioning the growing public disagreements among senior NRM figures.

Praise for Kiryowa Kiwanuka

Despite his criticism of some appointments, Gen Muhoozi has also welcomed certain changes in the Cabinet and congratulated allies who secured influential positions.Among those praised is Kiryowa Kiwanuka, who was appointed Minister of Defence. Gen Muhoozi has described the appointment as positive and pledged to work closely with him.“I congratulate my brother Honourable Kiryowa Kiwanuka on being appointed as Minister of Defence. We shall work together. I thank Mzee for this good appointment. Asante sana Mzee,” Muhoozi wrote.The statement signaled Gen Muhoozi’s continued support for selected members of Museveni’s administration, even as he openly criticized others.

Defence of Daudi Kabanda’s Omission

Muhoozi also reacted to the omission of Daudi Kabanda, the Secretary General of the Patriotic League of Uganda, from the Cabinet list.Rather than expressing disappointment, Muhoozi defended Kabanda’s absence, arguing that his current role within PLU is more significant than a ministerial appointment.“My young brother Hon. Kabanda is the General Secretary of the Patriotic League of Uganda, a much more important position than being a Cabinet minister,” Muhoozi stated.He added that Kabanda’s main responsibility is mobilizing young people across Uganda and strengthening the PLU’s grassroots structures.“His job is to organise and mobilise the millions of young people in our country. Kabanda will get a ministerial job when Todwong gets one,” he added, referring to NRM Secretary General Richard Todwong, who was also left out of Cabinet.The remarks highlighted the increasing confidence within the PLU movement, which has rapidly grown into a powerful youth political platform supporting Muhoozi’s future ambitions.

Questions Over Regional Representation

Muhoozi also appeared concerned about the exclusion of some veteran politicians from northern Uganda. He specifically questioned the omission of longtime Foreign Affairs Minister Okello Oryem from the Cabinet.“I didn’t see my big brother Okello Oryem in the Cabinet? Surely can that be possible? Whoever is fighting us in these appointments is an enemy,” he wrote.The comments sparked fresh debate about regional balancing within Museveni’s government and whether internal political factions influenced the final list of appointees.Political analysts say Gen Muhoozi’s statements reveal underlying tensions within the NRM as different camps compete for influence ahead of Uganda’s future political transition.

Cabinet Vetting Awaits

The newly announced Cabinet now awaits parliamentary vetting, where over 80 appointed ministers are expected to appear before the Appointments Committee for approval.However, Muhoozi’s public criticism of some Cabinet members has already added another layer of political drama to the process. The ongoing fallout between the CDF and senior government officials is likely to intensify scrutiny of the appointments in the coming weeks.Analysts believe the exchanges also reflect the growing influence of social media in Uganda’s political discourse, where senior leaders increasingly use online platforms to shape narratives, mobilize supporters, and settle political scores publicly.

Growing Influence of PLU

The Patriotic League of Uganda continues to position itself as a major political force, especially among young Ugandans. Although officially presented as a civic organization, many observers view PLU as a platform advancing Muhoozi’s political influence ahead of any future leadership transition in Uganda.Muhoozi’s comments following the Cabinet reshuffle demonstrate his willingness to openly challenge decisions and defend allies within his political camp.As the new Cabinet prepares to assume office, attention will remain focused on whether the tensions between Muhoozi, Baryomunsi, and other NRM figures escalate further or whether reconciliation efforts will emerge behind the scenes.

For now, Muhoozi’s strong reaction has once again placed him at the center of Uganda’s political conversation.