In a video posted on TikTok last night, Mabonga defended Cohen as a legitimate investor and portrayed himself as someone providing private security services to the businessman. The disclosure has added a new factor to the growing controversy surrounding Cohen, a foreign gold dealer whose activities in Uganda have increasingly drawn attention from security agencies, gold traders and, reportedly, the highest levels of government.

Mabonga came into the limelight after publishing the above mentioned footage of Mugumya, which spread widely on social media and triggered public outrage over the alleged treatment of the opposition activist while in detention. However, the footage also brought Lt. Herbert Mabonga himself under scrutiny.

His association with Cohen had previously been noted, and his appearance alongside the gold dealer raised questions about the businessman he was protecting and the circumstances under which Cohen had established himself in Uganda’s lucrative gold industry. Mabonga’s subsequent defence of Cohen has now made those questions even more difficult to ignore. For starters, it’s important to profile the person of Carlos Cohen.

Who is He 

Until recently, Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio was a relatively obscure figure in Uganda’s gold-trading circles. He moved around in an armoured vehicle, surrounded by the kind of security and pomp commonly associated with high-value gold dealers. But unlike many of the indigenous gold traders who have operated in Uganda for years, Cohen’s profile suddenly rose after a purported letter from President Yoweri Museveni to the Inspector General of Police, directing the police chief to personally supervise investigations into a multimillion-dollar gold scam.

The letter, whose authenticity has been questioned by some people familiar with its circulation, was titled “INTERVENTION IN A GOLD SCAM CASE” and addressed to IGP Abas Byakagaba. In it, President Museveni purportedly recounts a complaint from two gold buyers, Gafar Ibrahim and Nagi Muhammed, Cohen`s collegues, who claimed to have lost hundreds of thousands of United States dollars to individuals they described as fraudsters.

“I have got a letter dated the 29th of June, 2026 from two gold buyers by the names of Gafar Ibrahim … and Nagi Muhammed,” the purported presidential letter begins. According to the document, the two complainants had narrated how large sums of money were allegedly taken from them in a gold transaction and how they subsequently reported the matter to several security agencies.

Among those named were Col. Edith Nakalema, Senior Presidential Advisor on Anti-Corruption and head of the State House Investors Protection Unit; Brig. Gen. Henry Isoke, who heads the State House Anti-Corruption Unit; Crime Intelligence, headed by Gen. Christopher Ddamulira; Uganda Police Force under IGP Byakagaba; and the military intelligence authorities.

The letter purportedly expresses the President’s dissatisfaction with the progress of the investigations. “All these have not helped them,” the document states, before directing the Inspector General of Police to personally take charge of the matter. “This is therefore to direct you to personally oversee the investigation of this scam, apprehend these criminals and recover their money,” the letter says.

It then reportedly gives the police chief two months to resolve the matter, subject to verification of the complainants’ claims. “I give you 2 months to solve this problem if the accusers are saying the truth,” the letter states.

Copies of the purported correspondence were reportedly circulated to several of the parties involved, including Ibrahim Muhammed Gafar. Yet, while Cohen’s name does not appear in the presidential letter, we have traced the circumstances surrounding the complaint to a much more intriguing figure, Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio, commonly known as Carlos Cohen.

According to information obtained by The Investigator, Cohen is alleged to have been instrumental in facilitating access between Gafar and Nagi and senior authorities at State House. That development raises a larger question of who exactly, is Carlos Cohen, the foreign gold dealer whose business dealings have apparently attracted presidential attention?

Who Exactly Is Carlos Cohen?

Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio was reportedly born on September 30, 1978, in Angola, to Alipio Joaquim Ferreira and Celeste Cohen. His early life and movements remain difficult to independently establish, but available information suggests that he left Angola in the late 1990s and eventually settled in Portugal, where he is said to have acquired citizenship.

His nationality and identity have, however, become a subject of discussion. In some circles, he has reportedly been described as Portuguese, while other accounts have associated him with Israel. The circumstances surrounding these different descriptions remain unclear. More significantly, records reportedly obtained from Portugal point to a long-running criminal case involving a person bearing Cohen’s name.

The records relate to proceedings before the Albufeira District Court (Tribunal Judicial de Albufeira) in Portugal’s Algarve region. According to those records, Cohen has for years been wanted in connection with criminal allegations involving unlawful appropriation, fraud and document forgery.

The case reportedly dates back to the early 2000s and concerns allegations that, if established in court, could have serious consequences. The Portuguese proceedings are particularly significant because they reportedly show that the defendant became difficult for authorities to locate.

The Allegations

The first allegation cited in the Portuguese proceedings is unlawful appropriation. In general terms, unlawful appropriation involves taking, using or retaining property belonging to another person without lawful authority or consent. The precise legal meaning and applicable penalty depend on the circumstances and the relevant provisions of Portuguese law.

The second allegation is simple fraud, or burla simples. Under Article 217 of Portugal’s Penal Code, fraud generally concerns obtaining an unlawful financial benefit by causing another person to act under an error or deception.

The third allegation concerns document forgery, commonly referred to in Portuguese as falsificação ou contrafacção de documento. The relevant provision, Article 256 of the Portuguese Penal Code, addresses conduct involving the falsification, alteration or misuse of documents where the statutory elements of the offence are met.

The 2006 Court Ruling

The Portuguese court records provide an unusual insight into what happened after Cohen became unavailable to the authorities. The proceedings are identified under Common Trial No. 451/00.0JAFAR, with Notice No. 2467/2006. According to the records cited, the matter was before the 2nd Court of the Albufeira District Court under Judge Dr. Patricia Malveiro.

On May 18, 2006, Cohen was reportedly declared contumacious under Article 335 of Portugal’s Code of Criminal Procedure. In simple terms, a declaration of contumacy is a legal mechanism applied when a defendant remains absent from proceedings in circumstances provided for by law. It can result in the suspension of proceedings until the defendant appears or is arrested.

A subsequent ruling stated thus; “The declaration of contumacy, which expires upon the defendant’s appearance in Court or arrest…” The ruling further provided for the suspension of the trial pending Cohen’s appearance or arrest and outlined additional legal consequences arising from the declaration.

Among those consequences was the restriction of certain legal and administrative transactions and the acquisition of specified official documents. The court consequently suspended the proceedings pending his arrest or appearance. That development would leave the case hanging over Cohen for years.

From Portugal to Dubai

According to the account being investigated by The Investigator, Cohen subsequently left Portugal and travelled to Dubai. It is from Dubai, according to the same account, that his Ugandan chapter began. While in Dubai, Cohen became acquainted with individuals connected to Uganda, eventually being introduced to a Ugandan national identified as Joram Itungo.

Itungo is described in the account as a 36-years long-serving State House employee. According to sources cited in the investigation, Itungo became an important link between Cohen and Uganda. After establishing contact with Itungo, Cohen travelled to Uganda. It was here, according to the account, that his involvement in Uganda’s gold trade began to attract increasing attention.

The Gold Business and the Disputes

Uganda’s gold trade is a lucrative but controversial sector, involving local traders, foreign buyers, brokers, refiners, investors and intermediaries. For Cohen, the business appears to have involved transactions running into millions of dollars. One of the disputes associated with him concerns a transaction in which he reportedly approached police at the Entebbe Aviation Police (AVIPOL), claiming that he had been defrauded of gold worth approximately USD1.6M.

That complaint adds another layer to a story that has increasingly become complicated by competing claims of victimhood. On one side are gold buyers who say they were defrauded and have sought the intervention of Uganda’s security agencies and State House. On the other are questions surrounding Cohen’s own history, including the unresolved proceedings reportedly pending against a person bearing his name in Portugal.

The result is an unusual situation in which an individual whose past is itself the subject of unresolved legal questions has emerged as a central figure in a dispute in Uganda involving claims of gold fraud running into hundreds of thousands, and potentially millions, of dollars.

Why President Museveni`s Intervention  

The purported presidential letter is significant. Not merely because of the money involved, but because of the extraordinary number of security and anti-corruption institutions reportedly approached before the matter reached the President. The correspondence names State House anti-corruption officials, Police, Crime Intelligence and military intelligence authorities.

The President’s reported instruction that the Inspector General of Police personally oversee the investigation is therefore likely to attract considerable public interest. But there is another question that remains unanswered. Why did a dispute involving private gold transactions require intervention at the highest level of government?

And perhaps more importantly, what was the precise relationship between Cohen, the complainants and the individuals who facilitated their access to State House? Those questions are at the heart of the continuing investigation.

The Bigger Questions

Cohen’s story raises a number of issues that authorities may ultimately have to clarify. First, what is his precise immigration and citizenship status in Uganda? Second, what is the current legal status of the Portuguese proceedings reportedly registered against him? Third, was the Portuguese arrest warrant ever executed, withdrawn, cancelled or otherwise disposed of?

Fourth, what exactly brought Cohen to Uganda’s gold market? Fifth, what was his relationship with the Ugandan officials and intermediaries who reportedly helped him establish contacts?

And finally, what was the precise nature of the gold transactions involving Gafar Ibrahim and Nagi Muhammed that ultimately triggered the purported presidential intervention? These questions cannot be conclusively answered merely by the existence of court records or complaints. They require documentary verification, responses from the individuals named, and clarification from the relevant authorities.

For now, what is clear is that Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio has moved from relative obscurity to the centre of a gold controversy that has reached the highest levels of Uganda’s security establishment. His reported history in Portugal, his movement through Dubai, his arrival in Uganda, his links to influential intermediaries and the multimillion-dollar gold disputes surrounding him form a complex trail that raises more questions than answers.

And as the Portuguese proceedings reportedly remain tied to his appearance or arrest, the next chapter of the Cohen story may ultimately depend not only on what happened in Uganda’s gold market, but also on whether the long-running legal questions surrounding his past are ever brought to a final conclusion.

The controversy has also raised questions about the treatment of suspects, the protection of witnesses and the exercise of prosecutorial discretion after a criminal case had already reached the Chief Magistrate`s Court at Buganda Road, City Hall chambers.

Last Friday, September 18th 2026 at be precise, three gentlemen walked into our offices in Kisaasi, to supposedly give an account of the events surrounding what they described as a gold-deal-gone-bad. Their leader, Joseph, was already known to the newsroom. One of the men was a lawyer who presented the group as acting on behalf of Sheikh Bukenya.

Their account broadly followed the chronology contained in a complaint filed by lawyers representing the alleged victim, a Nigerian Prince, Muhammad Kwaido. But the appearance of the men also introduced another dimension to the story. According to the account presented to us, they acknowledged the broad chronology surrounding the transaction but expressed concern about the direction of the criminal proceedings and the possibility that the Sheikh could ultimately face legal consequences.

That account though, could not by itself establish criminal liability against anyone. Its common knowledge that the allegations remain matters for investigators, prosecutors and the courts to determine. However, what is now beyond dispute, is that the transaction has generated a formal criminal complaint, a court case, an arrest warrant and a separate complaint to the Director of Public Prosecutions over the handling of the case file.

From a Mosque to a Restaurant

According to the account given to the newsroom and the complaint by Prince Kwaido’s lawyers, the alleged transaction began with discussions at Old Kampala Mosque. Kwaido, a Nigerian national described as a prince, and who was in dire need of Gold, was introduced to people said to be connected to the prospective sellers. The discussions subsequently moved to the office of the 2nd Deputy Mufti, Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya.

From there, according to the account, the parties moved to a restaurant in the vicinity of Gaddafi Mosque at Old Kampala, as negotiations over the purported gold continued. The transaction then took another step. The parties travelled to a selected smelting company where they were allegedly expected to receive three bars represented to the prospective buyer as genuine gold.

They waited for associates of the purported sellers to arrive with the bars. When the bars were eventually delivered, the group reportedly left the premises. The account presented to the newsroom states that the parties travelled in a vehicle belonging to the Deputy Mufti towards an area near the Nigerian High Commission. It was there, according to the complainant’s account, that payment was made through a USDT cryptocurrency arrangement.

The amount involved was USD288,000. At the prevailing exchange rate, that would amount to hundreds of millions of Uganda shillings, making the alleged transaction one of considerable financial significance. However, the gold later turned out not what it appeared to be! The deception, according to the complainant, only became apparent after the transaction had been completed.

The buyer began the process of documenting the gold and preparing it for export. It was during additional testing and verification that questions emerged over the authenticity of the three bars. Further examination reportedly established that the bars were counterfeit. That discovery transformed what had initially appeared to be a high-value commercial transaction into a criminal complaint.

For the buyer, the central question was no longer simply whether the gold could be exported. It was how three bars prior presented as genuine gold had passed through a chain of meetings and intermediaries, including locations associated with religious leadership, before being handed over in a transaction worth nearly US$300,000.

The Criminal Case

Nevertheless, the dispute subsequently entered the criminal justice system. The lawyers representing Kwaido have since identified the matter as CRB No. 085 of 2026, before the Chief Magistrate`s Court of Buganda Road, at City Hall. The complaint is principally against Lubega Muzamilu and others who are said to remain at large.

According to the September 8th 2026 letter, addressed to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Lino Anguzu, the complainant’s lawyers say the court had already issued criminal process against persons implicated in the case, including a warrant of arrest. The lawyers, from Ms Kaganzi & Co. Advocates, say their client became concerned after learning that the police file had subsequently been recalled by the Kampala Regional Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.

The file, they say, remained at the Regional DPP’s office even though proceedings had already commenced before Buganda Road Court. It is this development that has become the second major controversy surrounding the gold case. Why was the file recalled? The lawyers seem to task Anguzu to explain the glaring anormally.

In their missive, the lawyers, signed for by Lady Counsel Akatukwasa Dianha, do not object to the prosecutorial authorities reviewing a criminal file. Their concern is what they describe as the manner and circumstances of the recall. They argue that a review should be “transparent, expeditious and consistent” with the constitutional mandate of the DPP.

The lawyers are particularly concerned that the recall occurred after the matter had already progressed before court and after criminal summons and a warrant of arrest had reportedly been issued against the Mufti Sheik Bukenya.

The question they want answered is straightforward: Why was the file recalled, where is it now, and what is delaying its return or further action? Those questions are important because recalling a file for prosecutorial review is not, in itself, proof of wrongdoing. Prosecutors may review files for a variety of legal and evidentiary reasons. The issue raised by the complainant is whether the process in this particular case has been handled consistently and without improper considerations.

The Deputy Mufti Bukenya Question

The most sensitive part of the complaint concerns Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya. The lawyers say their client considers the 2nd Deputy Mufti, their principal person of interest in the circumstances surrounding the entire transaction. They question why some individuals have been brought into the criminal process while, in their view, the Sheikh has not been subjected to similar action.

Their argument is that if credible evidence points to involvement by any individual, that person should be investigated according to the same standards regardless of office, social standing or influence they hold before the public. Akatukwasa specifically ask the DPP to independently examine the Sheikh’s alleged role in the events surrounding the transaction.

Importantly, the complaint itself does not amount to a finding of guilt against Sheikh Bukenya. Neither does the existence of a criminal complaint establish that the allegations made against him are utterly true, since those matters would have to be established through investigation and, where appropriate, judicial proceedings.

Fear of Witness Interference

Akatukwasa has also raised concerns about potential interference with witnesses. They argue that continued delay could create an opportunity for persons connected to the case to influence, intimidate, induce or otherwise interfere with material witnesses. This stance, if the same hasn’t been succeeded already!

The lawyers further describe their fears as an apprehension arising from what they say are the circumstances of the case and the alleged access that influential persons may have to individuals who could provide evidence. They therefore want the prosecution authorities to consider measures to ensure that witnesses can participate in the investigation and court process without intimidation or coercion.

This is potentially significant in any criminal investigation involving several participants, particularly where the prosecution’s case depends substantially on statements from people who were present during meetings, negotiations, payment or delivery of the alleged counterfeit gold.

Is There Selective Treatment?

Perhaps the strongest allegation in the lawyers’ letter is the suggestion of differential treatment among people implicated in the matter. The complainant’s lawyers point to the fact that warrants of arrest were reportedly issued against some suspects while Sheikh Bukenya, whom they consider “a person of interest”, has not been subjected to what they regard as equivalent criminal process.

They describe this as an apparent disparity. They stop short of dictating to the DPP how prosecutorial discretion should be exercised. Instead, they request an independent review of the circumstances surrounding the file and the people implicated in the investigation. Their position is essentially that status should not determine who is investigated or prosecuted.

Allegations of External Influence

The lawyers go further by expressing concern that external considerations could be affecting the handling of the file at the Kampala Regional DPP’s Office. This is an allegation contained in their complaint and not an established finding by The Investigator. They say the circumstances surrounding the recall and continued retention of the police file have created an apprehension that factors other than the evidence may be influencing the process.

Akatukwasa consequently asked the Director of Public Prosecutions, Lino Anguzu, to personally examine the matter. The request places the case at the intersection of two competing considerations; the DPP’s authority to review and direct criminal prosecutions, and the complainant’s expectation that a criminal case already before court should proceed without unexplained or unnecessary delay. Watch this space…

Matovu, 77, died at Kibuli Hospital after being attacked in the Kibuli Market Zone B area of Makindye Division in the early hours of September 24, 2026.

Police have opened a case of suspected murder and launched investigations into the circumstances surrounding the attack.

Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson Rachael Kawala said Matovu was attacked by unknown assailants before he was rushed to Kibuli Hospital, where he later succumbed to his injuries.

“Our task team is currently at the scene conducting investigations to establish the circumstances surrounding the incident,” Kawala said, adding that efforts were underway to identify and apprehend the suspects.

But as police began reconstructing the final moments of the celebrated musician’s life, conflicting accounts emerged about what happened before the fatal assault.

The girlfriend angle

Preliminary police information initially indicated that Matovu was attacked as he made his way for morning prayers.

However, accounts attributed to eyewitnesses and people familiar with the incident suggested that the musician had been at a woman’s home shortly before he was attacked.

One eyewitness account circulating on social media claimed that Matovu had dropped off a woman who has since been identified as Rose Tumusime and was subsequently confronted by another man believed to have been romantically involved with her.

Another account, attributed to a boda boda rider who reportedly helped take Matovu to hospital, also linked the assault to a dispute over a woman.

According to that version of events, an altercation developed after Matovu had been with the woman, with the other man allegedly first assaulting her before turning his attention to the musician.

The claims have triggered intense public debate because they present a very different picture from the initial description of the incident as an attack by unknown assailants.

Police have not, however, publicly established that Matovu was killed because of a romantic dispute. Reports indicate that investigators were interviewing the woman who was allegedly with him as they attempted to reconstruct the events leading to the attack.

The motive, identity of the attacker and exact sequence of events therefore remained under investigation at the time of publication.

The final journey

What is established is that Matovu was attacked in the Kibuli area in the early hours of Thursday.

He suffered serious injuries and was taken to Kibuli Hospital for treatment. Despite efforts to save him, he died.

Reports from the scene said residents gathered in the area as news of the attack spread, while police cordoned off the scene and began collecting information.

Other reports indicated that Matovu had been attacked as he headed towards morning prayers at Kibuli Mosque.

The circumstances surrounding the attack have left many Ugandans struggling to reconcile the violent death with the public image of a musician whose career had been defined by music, discipline and longevity.

A night on stage, a morning of tragedy

In another twist that has deepened the shock, Matovu had performed at an event in Kampala on Wednesday night, only hours before his death.

Tony Otoa, who said he had spoken to Matovu at the Sheraton that evening, recalled the encounter with disbelief. Otoa said Matovu had performed at a farewell party for the outgoing Executive Director of the Private Sector Foundation Uganda.

He said he spoke to the veteran musician about his late mother’s Afrigo music collection and the tapes he and his brother had traded.

For Otoa and many others who saw Matovu performing only hours earlier, news of his death was almost impossible to comprehend.

The contrast between the musician performing before an audience on Wednesday night and being pronounced dead after an attack on Thursday morning has amplified the sense of loss across Uganda.

Ugandans react

News of Matovu’s death immediately triggered an outpouring of grief from musicians, journalists, politicians, fans and ordinary Ugandans.

Social media was filled with tributes to the veteran performer, with many remembering not only his music but also the role he played in building Uganda’s live-band culture.

Jim Spire Ssentongo, commenting on Matovu’s death, recalled efforts that had been made over the years to have the musician awarded an honorary PhD in music in recognition of his contribution to Uganda’s music industry.

He described the circumstances of Matovu’s death as tragic while paying tribute to his contribution to Ugandan music.

Other mourners focused on the alleged circumstances of the killing.

Posts circulating online expressed shock at reports that a dispute involving a woman could have preceded the attack, although those details remained subject to police investigation.

Some mourners questioned how a disagreement could escalate into violence that claimed the life of a 77-year-old music veteran.

The man behind Afrigo

Matovu’s death marks the passing of one of the central figures in Uganda’s musical history.

Born on June 19, 1949, in Kawempe, Kampala, Matovu began his professional music journey in the 1960s.

He joined the Thunderbirds Band in 1967, later moved to the Police Band and subsequently became part of Cranes Band.

When Cranes Band collapsed, Matovu and fellow musicians went on to establish Afrigo Band in 1975.

The group would eventually become Uganda’s longest-running and one of its most influential live bands.

Matovu served as its leader, vocalist and saxophonist while helping to nurture generations of musicians.

Afrigo survived political upheavals, changing musical tastes and major transformations in Uganda’s entertainment industry.

Its music became part of Uganda’s cultural memory, while Matovu became recognised as one of the country’s leading bandleaders.

New Vision previously described Matovu as central to Afrigo’s contribution to Uganda’s music industry, noting his role in maintaining discipline, guiding the band and nurturing its members.

A legacy cut short by violence

For nearly six decades, Matovu’s life was intertwined with music. His death therefore represents more than the loss of an individual performer. It closes a chapter in the history of Uganda’s live-band era.

But the immediate concern for police is not only preserving his legacy but determining exactly how he died.

Was Matovu simply the victim of a random attack as initially suspected, or did a confrontation involving a woman precede the fatal assault?

Did he leave a woman’s home shortly before the incident, as some eyewitness accounts claim?

Who confronted him, and why?

These are among the questions investigators must now answer.

Until those questions are resolved, the claims surrounding the alleged girlfriend and her lover remain allegations rather than established facts.

For now, Uganda mourns a musician who spent five decades entertaining generations.

Matovu’s final performance came only hours before his death. By Thursday morning, the saxophone had fallen silent.

The man who helped build Afrigo Band into a national institution was gone — not after a long farewell from the stage, but in a violent incident that has left his fans demanding answers.

Police say investigations are continuing and that efforts are underway to identify and arrest those responsible.

The transaction, according to a statement made to police by Muhammad Ibrahim Abdullahi, a Nigerian national and diplomatic officer serving at the Nigerian High Commission in Kampala, involved a chain of meetings and introductions that included Uganda’s Second Deputy Mufti, Sheikh Dr. Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya. The account places the centre of the negotiations at Old Kampala Mosque, where the Deputy Mufti’s office reportedly became the starting point for discussions over the proposedgold deal purchase.

Whereas the statement does not establish that Sheikh Bukenya personally supplied or manufactured the counterfeit bars, the Deputy Mufti supposedly  introduced the Prince and his associates to people represented as legitimate gold dealers and later became involved in arrangements surrounding all the transactions.

The allegations remain subject to investigation and any persons accused of wrongdoing would be entitled to respond to them and to the presumption of innocence unless and until Court at City Hall determines otherwise.

A trusted introduction

According to Abdullahi’s statement, the events began in early August 2026 when he and a Nigerian medical doctor, also a staff with Mulago Hospital, a one Dr. Sadique, sought to source genuine gold. Sadique, the statement says, knew Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya and had previously been contacted by him concerning gold issues.

The Deputy Mufti allegedly represented that he knew legitimate gold sellers and had a licence relating to gold transactions. That representation, according to Abdullahi, gave the prospective buyers confidence that they were dealing with people, including a respected and trustworth Mufti, who could provide genuine gold.

Abdullahi says him and Sadique subsequently met Sheikh Bukenya at Old Kampala Mosque, where they discussed the sourcing of gold. The Deputy Mufti allegedly confirmed that he had access to legitimate sellers and proposed that the Nigerians work with him and his business associates. But the first attempt quickly ran into trouble.

According to the statement, the first person presented as a seller produced what appeared to be gold but was subsequently considered counterfeit. The proposed transaction consequently collapsed. Rather than ending the search, however, the failed deal was followed by another approach.

Mufti Again Featres with a Second Seller

Abdullahi says that several days later, Sheikh Bukenya contacted Sadique again and claimed that he had found another person who possessed genuine gold. This time, the transaction was allegedly presented as urgent. Muhammad Kwaido, the earlier mentioned complainant and a brother to Abdullahi, attended a subsequent meeting at the Deputy Mufti’s office along with Dr. Sadique.

It was there, according to the statement, that Sheikh Bukenya introduced them to his associate, a man identified as Muzamiru, together with another person presented as the gold seller. Muzamiru has since been arrested and remanded. He was also identfied as Mufti Bukenya`s Personal Assistant. The participants discussed the proposed purchase, including the price, testing arrangements, processing and the procedure for completing the transaction.

The Deal Location Changes Repeatedly

Initially, the transaction was to take place at the Deputy Mufti’s office. Abdullahi says Sheikh Bukenya later changed the proposed location to a restaurant near the Gaddafi Mosque, explaining that his office lacked the electrical power socket required for the intended procedure. Gaddafi is the seat of Isilam faith in Uganda.

The Mufti supposedly suggested that the smelting of the gold could, if necessary, even be conducted from the restaurant at the Mosque. But the restaurant also proved unsuitable! According to the statement, the purported sellers considered the location too open and proposed moving the operation to Nureen Enterprises Ltd, a supposed smelting company of their choice.

The Refinery and the Three Bars

The group then proceeded to Nureen Enterprises in the outskirts of the Capital Kampala.  The people present at the refinery, according to Abdullahi, included Sheikh Bukenya, Muhammad Kwaido, Muzamiru, Dr. Sadique, Abdullahi himself and the person presented as the seller. They all waited for about two hours for the purported seller’s partners, a man and a woman, to arrive with the gold.

Eventually, the pair arrived carrying a bag with three bars purported to be gold. The transaction now entered a more technical stage. The parties were told that USD300 was required for smelting and testing the three bars. According to Abdullahi, they were assured that the money paid for testing and smelting would be refunded once the transaction was completed.

At that stage, Abdullahi says, he had no reason to suspect that the bars were fake. He says he relied on the representations of the people presenting the bars as genuine gold, the testing and processing procedures taking place at the refinery and, importantly, the confidence he placed in the people who had introduced the sellers, in particular Sheikh Bukenya and his associate Muzamiru. Following the testing and other arrangements, the purported sellers handed over a locked black toolbox containing the three bars.

The Payment

The group then left the refinery. According to Abdullahi, he temporarily held the locked toolbox as the group travelled in the Deputy Mufti’s vehicle to an area near the Nigerian High Commission. It was at this point that the payment mechanism allegedly changed from an ordinary cash or banking transaction, to cryptocurrency.

Sheikh Bukenya, the sellers and Muzamiru reportedly informed the buyers that payment would be made in USDT, a cryptocurrency commonly used for dollar-denominated transactions. Muzamiru was reportedly instructed to contact a USDT agent who could receive the money.

Abdullahi says the Nigerians contacted a forex agent known to them as Aminu and arranged for  the USD288,000 to be sent to the USDT agent introduced by the other side. The payment was eventually made. For the buyers, the transaction appeared to have been completed. But the most consequential part of the deal was yet to come.

The Gold Fails a Second Examination

After payment, Muhammad Kwaido proceeded with arrangements for documentation and the proposed exportation of the purported gold. It was during further examination and testing required before the gold could be documented and exported that the transaction unravelled. The three bars were subjected to additional testing.

According to Abdullahi’s statement, the results showed that they were not genuine gold bars. Instead, the bars were found to consist of steel or another base metal coated or plated with gold. The discovery transformed what had appeared to be a completed multimillion-shilling transaction into a case of sophisticated deception. The buyer had paid for three bars that were allegedly counterfeit.

The race back to the Deputy Mufti’s office

The discovery triggered an immediate attempt to confront those involved. Abdullahi says he and Kwaido contacted Sadique and went directly to Sheikh Bukenya’s office at Gadaffi Mosque. They informed the Deputy Mufti that the purported gold had failed the additional examination and showed him the bars.

The two Nigerians sought his intervention, according to the statement, because of what they described as his involvement in the transaction and because he had introduced Muzamiru as his business partner. In addition, Dr. Bukenya had earlier informed them how he had personally sourced the sellers from DR Congo and that they were in Uganda on his invitation and expense, hence the earlier mentioned urgency the transaction required.

That relationship, the statement suggests, was central to the confidence the prospective buyers placed in the deal. Abdullahi nevertheless makes a deliberate distinction about his own role. He says he was neither the owner, purchaser nor seller of the purported gold and did not introduce Kwaido to the individuals who presented themselves as sellers.

The Mysterious USD5,800

Beyond the headline figure of USD288,000, Abdullahi’s statement raises questions about smaller sums allegedly exchanged before the main payment. He says he was informed that the buyer had already given Sheikh Bukenya US$2,800 in connection with the transaction. He further says Sadique told him that he and the Deputy Mufti had added another USD3,000, allegedly calculated at US$1,000 per kilogramme. Together, the amounts were said to total TO USD5,800.

According to the statement, this amount was to be divided among four people, with each person receiving USD1,450. There was also reportedly a request for an additional USD3,000 from the buyer. Abdullahi says he communicated that request to Kwaido. But after the discovery of the counterfeit gold, he says he returned the USD2,400 he had personally received, to the buyer. The statement does not, by itself, establish the ultimate whereabouts or disposition of all the other funds allegedly paid in connection with the transaction.

Why the Deputy Mufti’s Role Matters

The most sensitive element of the allegations is not simply the counterfeit gold. It is the role allegedly played by a senior religious figure in bringing the parties together. Abdullahi repeatedly emphasises the trust attached to Sheikh Bukenya’s position. In his concluding remarks, he says the discussions concerning the transaction took place at the Deputy Mufti’s office and that those involved believed him to be a person of high integrity because of his position and status.

That confidence, if the account is substantiated, would have been a crucial element in the transaction. For the buyers, the presence and involvement of a senior religious leader allegedly gave credibility to people they did not otherwise know. The central question for investigators, therefore, is whether Sheikh Bukenya was simply an intermediary who was himself deceived by purported gold sellers, or whether he knew, or should have known, that the transaction was fraudulent. Remember he fully owned them before the buyer as his visitors from DR Congo.

A Transaction that Moved Through Trusted Spaces

The chronology described in the statement is striking. The prospective buyers were first brought into contact with the alleged sellers through discussions at Old Kampala Mosque. The transaction was then considered at the Deputy Mufti’s office. It was moved to a restaurant around Gaddafi Mosque.

From there, the parties went to a chosen smelting company, where they waited for the purported sellers’ associates to arrive with the three bars. After the purported gold was handed over, the group travelled in the Deputy Mufti’s vehicle to an area near the Nigerian High Commission. Payment was then made through a USDT arrangement.

Only after the buyer began the process of documenting and exporting the gold did additional testing expose the bars as counterfeit. It is this sequence that gives the allegations their extraordinary character. A transaction worth nearly three hundred thousand US Dollars  allegedly passed through a series of locations and intermediaries before the product was ultimately exposed as fake.

Questions Investigators will Have to Answer

As the matter proceeds to a full criminal investigation, several questions become central. Who supplied the three bars? The statement refers to a man and a woman who allegedly arrived with the purported gold, as well as the person initially presented as the seller. Establishing their identities and tracing their movements could be critical.

Who owned the gold, or knew where it came from? Investigators would need to establish the chain of custody of the three bars before they reached Nureen Enterprises. What did the refinery’s first tests actually establish? The statement says the bars underwent testing and processing before payment. Investigators will need to examine what tests were conducted, what their results were and whether the procedures could have been manipulated.

The, Who received the USD288,000? The money was reportedly sent in USDT to an agent introduced by the other side. Tracing the digital wallet addresses, intermediary accounts and eventual beneficiaries could provide an important financial trail.

What was the purpose of the additional payments? The alleged USD2,800, USD3,000 contribution and subsequent request for another USD3,000 will also require clarification. What exactly was the relationship between Sheikh Bukenya and Muzamiru? Abdullahi says Muzamiru was introduced as the Deputy Mufti’s business partner. Investigators would need to establish the nature of that relationship and whether it extended to the gold transaction. Did anyone know the bars were counterfeit before the payment was made? This may ultimately be the most important question.

The presumption of innocence

The allegations contained in Abdullahi’s statement are serious, but an allegation is not proof of criminal liability. The statement represents the account of one participant in the transaction and in our subsquent series, we shall test against the evidence of other participants, transaction records, communications, refinery records, CCTV footage, cryptocurrency transfers and forensic examination of the bars.

Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya and the other people mentioned in the statement definitely have the right to provide their accounts of what happened. Surprisingly, in one of the clips before our desk, the Mufti of Uganda, Sheikh Ramathan Mubajje is seen on the table, supposedly as a reconcilliator after the bad deal. His statement too, will be sought for our better reporting of the matter.

For investigators, the task is to determine whether this was a case of criminals exploiting the reputation and connections of an influential religious figure, or whether the Deputy Mufti himself played a knowing role in a deliberate scheme to defraud the Nigerian buyer. For Muhammad Kwaido, however, the immediate reality was stark. Three bars that had been represented as gold were allegedly worthless base metal beneath a thin covering of gold. And US$288,000 had already changed hands!

In a wide-range interview with The Investigator last night, Brig. Gen. Henry Isoke, the head of SHACU, rejects suggestions that the unit has been inactive or that ministers are taking over its mandate. He says the current crackdown is the product of cooperation between government institutions, with SHACU providing intelligence, investigations and follow-up while ministers exercise their administrative and political mandates.

The interview comes against the backdrop of a nationwide anti-corruption campaign led by Minister Barugahara and his deputy Justine Nameere, which has seen inspections of local government institutions, investigations ordered against officials, and a growing number of interdictions.

The campaign has so far covered districts including Moyo, Maracha, Pakwach, Mbale, Namisindwa, Bulambuli, Isingiro, Sembabule, Mitooma, Mbarara, Fort Portal, Rakai and Masaka. By August 18^th, reports indicated that 110 local government employees were facing disciplinary action over allegations ranging from ghost beneficiaries and procurement irregularities, to misuse of public funds, absenteeism and poorly implemented projects.

In Jinja, Barugahara ordered the Chief Administrative Officer, Lilian Nakamatte, to step aside and directed SHACU and the Inspectorate of Government to investigate allegations of financial mismanagement, procurement concerns and maladministration.

The campaign has also resulted in interdictions in Mitooma, Isingiro, Buhweju and other districts. In Ankole alone, at least 26 officials were reported to be facing interdiction following recommendations for SHACU to facilitate investigations. At Buhweju, SHACU conducted investigations into several senior officials, while separate inquiries were ordered into alleged misuse of road funds. The two ministers have repeatedly insisted that the campaign is intended to restore accountability and improve service delivery.

The Ministry of Local Government says their inspections, follow-ups and interventions are part of President Yoweri Museveni’s renewed anti-corruption drive. However, the campaign has also attracted calls for caution. The Deputy Inspector General of Government, Dr Patricia Achan Okiria, recently advised the ministers to ensure that their operations remain within the law and respect due process.

Against this background, Brig Gen Isoke spoke to The Investigator about the origins and mandate of SHACU, its record, the role of ministers in the current crackdown, allegations of selective arrests and the money the unit says it has saved for the government.

The Investigator: Gen Isoke, elaborate on the mandate of the State House Anti-Corruption Unit since its creation in 2018.

Brig Gen Henery Isoke: As you may be aware, it is the executive duty and responsibility of the President of Uganda, Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, to ensure that the State is running efficiently. Corruption has been a great concern of the President right from the five-year protracted bush war. Fighting corruption is among the top priorities of the NRM government. In fact, it is Point number seven of the ten-point programme.

After the war, it was not a bed of roses because other parts of the country were not fully liberated. Northern Uganda, Eastern Uganda, West Nile and some parts of Western Uganda remained volatile. Because the President and his government were preoccupied with many other issues, including uniting and liberating the other parts of the country, vices such as corruption received less attention.

When the country was finally liberated, the President turned his attention to other challenges, corruption being one of the diseases for which he sought mechanisms to combat. Institutions such as the Criminal Investigations Directorate, the institutions responsible for ethics and integrity, and the Inspectorate of Government became more visible after the NRA had fully liberated the country.

These anti-corruption agencies converge under the Inter-Agency Forum. Our operations are coordinated to avoid duplication of roles. We meet, plan our work and consult each other. Uganda has made significant efforts in fighting corruption through institutional and legal frameworks, government policies and the commitment of the President towards zero tolerance to corruption.

Despite these efforts, Uganda continues to feature in global and regional reports as a country affected by corruption. It is against this background that the President, acting under Article 99(4) of the Constitution, established the State House Anti-Corruption Unit on December 10th 2018. The unit was created to coordinate citizens’ corruption complaints to the Presidency with the population and constitutionally mandated agencies, with a view to obtaining speedy resolution of those complaints. Therefore, our core mandate is to help the President fight all forms of corruption and corruption tendencies.

The Investigator: What is the strength of SHACU and how do your officers execute their work?

Gen Henery Isoke: Our human resource is very minimal. We are not more than 30. To be precise, we are 25 and all of us are housed here at headquarters. We do not have regional offices. What we do is consult with sister agencies that have regional presence.

We receive a lot of communication from Resident District Commissioners, District Police Commanders and regional officers of the Inspectorate of Government. The fact that we are limited in numbers does not mean we have fallen short of our mandate. The team I lead is highly motivated. They are cadres and patriots motivated by the desire to serve Uganda. Our budget is also very small, but we have not failed to execute our mandate.

We have a 24-hour call center programmed in all languages of Uganda. Our officers are always available to receive queries from all parts of the country, from Kabale to Kotido. Besides the call center, we have a clients’ relations desk here. As you have witnessed, our front desk is one of the busiest in Kampala. Our front desk manager receives everyone who walks in with a complaint or any other issue. Indeed, we are more agile, faster and swifter.

The Investigator: Give us some figures. How many corruption cases has SHACU handled since its inception?

Gen Henery Isoke: The cases are so many. This is my fourth year here. Since this unit was formed, it has handled more than 800,000 cases. We have arraigned about 900 suspects in court and secured 165 convictions. Those arraigned include public servants, who represent about 55 per cent, while private-sector workers, mostly engineers and lawyers, represent about 45 per cent. Most of the cases we have handled are land-related, accounting for about 31 per cent.

The Investigator: Why is Local Government Minister Balaam Barugahara doing something that your unit should have done long ago? Some members of the public think SHACU is doing nothing.

Gen Henery Isoke: It is not correct to say that Hon Balaam is doing our job. As I have said before, we are working as a team. Following a directive by the President, Balaam responded very fast because the Local Government Ministry has a lot of corruption tendencies. Balaam is moving swiftly to clean the ministry, and that is a very big action. He is using our intelligence. Indeed, he moves where we have already conducted intelligence. We have strategized this with him and we are not complaining. It is us who make the arrests and follow up on the cases.

Hon Balaam is like any other Ugandan mandated to remain vigilant. He is acting within his mandate, and we give him all the support required. That ministry is too rotten, and most of the cases are perpetuated by technocrats. The current operation has therefore not been a competition between SHACU and the Ministry of Local Government. It is a coordinated effort.

The Investigator: People claim you have not done anything tangible since your appointment. How do you respond to Ugandans who say they have not felt your ‘tsunami’?

Gen Henery Isoke: I am not a media person. I am more comfortable working in the background. Given the nature of my training, most people may not see my face. We work very tirelessly in the background. We do not show off while executing our duties. That is how we were prepared for the job. Many people have different methods of work. I don’t subscribe to the culture of showing off. I prefer my actions to speak for my work.

For example, SHACU under my leadership did great work during the infamous mabaati investigations, arrests and eventual prosecutions. We looked at the files one by one and, based on our recommendations, action was taken, including arrests and prosecutions. In government, personal assistants can do a lot of the donkey work. That is one reason you may not see a ministers arrested. These ministers and the so-called `big fish` are sharp. Many of them do not leave behind trails of their wrongdoing. They use other people. That is why in many cases the small fish is the one that gets hooked because everything can be traced to them.

The Investigator: We have been approached by our readers complaining about selective arrests. What is your response?

Gen Henery Isoke: No one is big. We do not leave any stone unturned. In fact, we have arrested several top officials. But as I explained earlier, most top officials, including ministers, do not necessarily leave a trail showing their personal involvement in wrongdoing. They use their subordinates. Most personal assistants are therefore not safe. Our work is to follow the evidence. Whoever is implicated by the evidence must answer.

The Investigator: Brig Gen Moses Lukyamuzi, the head of the State House Land Protection Unit, has recently come under scrutiny, with some readers alleging that he abets land grabbing. Does SHACU have the mandate to bring him and his associates to book?

Gen Henery Isoke: No one is above the law, me inclusive. Anyone who has involved themselves in wrongdoing must answer for their crimes. We follow leads. If anyone has a trace of corruption, they are free to visit our offices and report. The principle is simple: nobody should be protected because of their position. However, our cause of action is always prompted by evidence, not assumptions.

The Investigator: In figures, how much money has SHACU helped to save for the country since you started your mission?

Gen Henery Isoke: We have so far recovered or saved UGX700 billion. Of this amount, under my tenure, we have saved over UGX500 billion. We have also managed to save UGX9 billion since the nationwide Local Government operation by Hon Balaam started, and we are seeing more money being saved.

The Investigator: Finally, what should Ugandans expect from SHACU as the Local Government crackdown continues?

Gen Henery Isoke: Ugandans should expect more action. The fight against corruption cannot be won by one institution. SHACU, the Inspectorate of Government, police, ministries, local governments and other accountability institutions have different responsibilities. But we must work together. The President’s message has been very clear; public resources must serve the people.

Our role is to receive complaints, gather intelligence, investigate and coordinate with the relevant agencies so that cases are resolved. We may not always be visible, but that does not mean we are not working. The work is continuous. And where there is evidence of wrongdoing, nobody should expect to be protected because of their office, rank or connections.

In the same vein, Her Worship Marriam Wangadya, the current Chairperson of the Uganda Human Rights Commission, was whispered to have been the best candidate for the post of the Deputy Chief Justice. She even became most suitable when she exposed to the president, the politicians who had allegedly approached her with a proposal of having her budget supplementary passed as is, only if she would cough some billions in return.

However, we have landed on a missive, suggesting possibilities as to why the towering lady judge was eventually, not considered for either of the two above positions. From deep into her office corners, a dossier snakes out, accusing her of gross maladministration, corruption and abuse of office. If they test positive, the allegations leave no room for Wangadya at any top government office.

The Preamble

For starters, the Uganda Human Rights Commission was established in November 1996 to protect and promote human rights in Uganda. According to Article 51 of the Constitution, the UHRC is legally comprised of a chairperson and at least three other persons appointed by the President, with the approval of Parliament.

The Constitution envisages the Chairperson and Members of the Commission to be persons of high moral character and proven integrity. However, going by the missive under review, the behavior and conduct by the current Chair, Mariam Wangadya, falls short of the said constitutional requirement.

The current situation at the UHRC is suggested as being characterized by gross maladministration, corruption, abuse of office, impunity, arrogance, intimidation and bullying! All the above, reveals the dossier, is being orchestrated by none other than the Chairperson herself, Ms. Wangadya.

“Staff are living in a state of fear and helplessness since the constitution of the Republic of Uganda gives the Commission powers to appoint staff under Article 57. Even some Members of the Commission have not been spared by her conduct. She runs the Commission like a private outfit and therefore, not subjected to any internal controls and she is not held accountable for anything,” reads the twelve-page missive sourced from deep into the Commission`s corridors.

The authors of the carefully penned complaint suggests that the situation is getting out of hand and requires urgent intervention by the relevant authorities, as well as the appointing authority. Indeed, we have confirmed receipt of the same, by the Inspector General of Government (IGG) office, the Speaker of Parliament and CID. When contacted, the known UHRC mouthpiece Alex Bukumunhe confirmed knowledge of the dossier but requested for a “few days” to allow him prepare for a rebuttal. However, he did not pick our calls anymore, when the “few days” elapsed.

The Dossier in Part I

Corruption/abuse of office: For starters, Wangadya joined the Commission in September 2021 when she was 56 years old. Therefore, she was ineligible to contribute to NSSF. However, she supposedly forced the Human Resource Manager and the Secretary to the Commission to continue making a 10% Government NSSF contribution for her until March 2025, when she heeled to the pressure from the Ministry of Public Service. Hence, for a period of over three years, she earned that money illegally while knowing what she was doing was illegal.

Her accusers further allege that starting with Financial Year 2024/2025, 2025/2026 and the current budgeting process for 2026/2027 financial year which started with the preparation of the budget framework paper, Wangadya is alleged to have taken over the budgeting process. “The Management Committee, the Finance Committee and the Commission have all been sidelined! The real budgeting is done by her, Commissioner [Crispin Kugiza] Kaheru and Director Pauline Nansamba,” reads the dossier.

“Because she followed up with the Attorney General and the Ministry of Finance for increased funding through a supplementary budget in, she declared that the additional funding to the Commission of UGX10.4bn was and remains her personal money! It is that money she wants spent on her as much as possible without any form of internal controls, no accountability and she should get it for anything she wants.”

The authors further digs deep thus; “For instance, out of the UGX10.4bn, UGX2bn was set aside for salary enhancement as a block for Chairperson, Members and Staff. Instead of following a proper methodology to seek approvals from Cabinet and Parliament, the Chairperson unilaterally determined her salary and that of Commissioners. She simply informed Members of the Commission what they would earn without informing them of hers in a meeting of December 18^th 2024. The difference between her salary and Members is UGX20 million!”

It should be noted that Wangadya supposedly usurped powers of Parliament to determine her own salary and that of Members. She did not care about staff whose long pay target was determined by Cabinet and being the lowly paid. In the last two financial years and the next coming financial year, a new budget line, which had never existed in the history of the Commission for the Office of the Chairperson is said to have been introduced under supposed duress!

Ideally, the Office of the Chairperson coordinates all functions of the Commission and therefore it is the technical directorates and or departments that budget for execution of the mandate of the Commission. “But what is happening now, the Office of the Chairperson is allocated a budget even bigger than some departments! It is through this arrangement that she gets money to `hold` stakeholder engagements which never take place!” Instead, writes the complainants, the money is channeled through her Personal Assistants private bank accounts! “At first, it was through Ms. Pauline Nansamba and now, Ms. Doreen Mukunyu Nabatte. In fact, these two ladies personal accounts should be investigated to explain why they receive that money and how they spend it.”

The dossier, which will run in three articles in these pages, cites Commissioner Crispin Kugiza Kaheru as Wangadya`s blue-eyed boy and with whom, she commits most of the alleged misappropriation of funds and other malpractices. “Again, in the current financial year, instead of beefing up funding for the core mandate of the Commission, the Chairperson and Commissioner Kaheru budgeted for the latest models of vehicles for themselves and generators for their private residences.” Watch this space

Already facing charges of operating a TV without a valid license from the Uganda Communications Commission (UCC), and now under the blaring reality of sustained surfacing of legal cases mounting over the person of incarcerated Dean Saava Lubowa, the Chief of Strategies of the now frozen TV 10 Gano Mazima from several  persons, he is left with no option, save for exposing those that fed him with the contested information that has led to his impasse and literally fed him to the ‘dogs’.

Boxed into a corner of despair, save for the argument of the regulator and the statements made against some of the persons that head it, the rest of the cases that Dean faces can journalistically be traced to his sources and informers. It initially begun as a formal due process on 2nd October 2025 at Standard Utilities and Wildlife Court in Makindye via three criminal charges related to illegal broadcasting and defamation.

The court is presided over by Her Worship Gladys Kamasanyu. It originally zeroed on operating an online television station without a license, defied regulatory directives, and allegedly used his platform to insult and defame prominent Ugandans. It has since culminated into a manna of cases with the latest under another magistrate being on claims that Lubowa Dean Saava, between the month of July 2025 and August 2025, in the areas of Kampala City or thereabout, using a computer via TikTok account named `TV 10 Gano Mazima` sent or transmitted information about, or relating to Kakooza Savio Ntesibe, the Director Ombudsman Affairs at the Inspectorate of Government.

The charges before court suggests that Lubowa alleged that Kakooza received a bribe of UGX200M on behalf of Anne Twinomugisha Muhairwe, the Deputy Inspector General of Government, in order for her not to close a road construction project, whereas not. This is contrary to section 28 (1) and (2) of the computer misuse Act, Cap 96, culminating into malicious information.

This same file includes other eight offenses that are too, derived or are related to the earlier mentioned, plus hate speech and thus, he was remanded to prison until 23rd December 2025. This is against the backdrop derived by axel of professionalism that dictates he protects his sources.

In the glaring looming of unsolicited fate characterized by the aforementioned peddlers of the now trouble-causing files, he is left with no choice but to play against the rules to regain his freedom. Gifted with a motor-mouthed sensational style of presentation, one would be ‘bufooned’ to believe that Dean, superficially cultivated that information by himself without being fed by others in the same circles as his accusers. These are the same people that must come out and avail Dean’s lawyers with crucial and detailed information that would trade his freedom, lest he exposes them. Watch this space

The emerging profitable and job creating social media industry in Uganda is under threat from several fronts. These include, but not limited to; the traditional media gurus, regulatory bodies and security, especially police being used as a bait for settling inner players` mini squabbles.

Whereas the official regulatory body, Uganda Communications Commission (UCC) might have all the good intensions of trying to streamline the fast-growing new media space, others like the police cyber-crime department desks at various police stations, are being used by many to settle personal scores.

This has nothing to do with players like Dean Saava Lubowa of TV 10 Gano Mazima, but rather a chicken ego fight between Tamale Mirundi Jr and Shalom Kaweesa of Shalom 256, a YouTube channel. For starters, it is public knowledge that the once best of friends turned foes, have had a long history of orchestrating hallucinated bickering in order to secure a following using crude localized guerrilla marketing strategies.

Initially ignored as pranks by many in the industry and the thousands that follow them, this trend has since taken an ugly twist with the emergency of the Cyber Harassment Desks, most especially, allegedly, that of Katwe Police Station.

The sacred torn but ‘prestigious’ white paper is embroiled with Ref; Katwe Police SD; Ref :70.04.12.2025. Cyber Harassment, Hate Speech and M-Information are the supposed charges.  The suspect, Kaweesa Shalom, the young and ‘powerful’ lad, ran a Shalom finding maze, which zeroed on a location on Kulambiro ring road.

Gone are the sane legal days in which a suspect is summoned to any relevant authority to make a statement in regard to any issue at hand. It’s now official that people like Tamale Junior, have taken over the role of CID, IO’s, commanders and now, use self-styled clout of ‘money’ and throwing around names to hoodwink officers into pursuing suspects under an illegal command.

Cry for the overseers of these once cleaned up agencies that even president Museveni said had been penetrated by ‘Kawukuumi’ aka bean weevil! Sad as it is, reality is that some unscrupulous ‘celebrities’, ‘socialites’ have turned running with security personnel as their bag ‘boys’ and ‘girls’.

Do you remember Brian White’s SFC fellows, Sipapa’s camouflaged party, the Gashumba’s detail or that of today’s lost pastors complete with lead cars? These are the same fellows who now are bogged on using both the security agencies and police to conduct illicit businesses and also settle scores. It’s high time that the IGP and Command 1 reigned on these errant officers while others like the Police Standards Unit (PSU) must act on the same like yesterday.

The late Prince Kijjangoma and his elder sister, Princes Elizabeth Bagaya had reportedly filed a case in a Fort Portal Court, centered on mismanagement of the kingdom’s properties and reportedly cited Katuramu as one of the defendants. It was also alleged that Princess Bagaya and Prince Kijjangoma had spearheaded a move intended to  remove Katuramu from the post of Omuhikirwa (Prime Minister) of Tooro Kingdom. And that, was the bad blood that prompted Katuramu to hire the hitmen who eliminated the late Prince Kijjangoma.

In one of the shocking incriminating pieces of evidence tabled by the prosecution, it was alleged that planning meetings related to the murder were held in Katuramu’s residence in Muyenga, and that after the murder, the hitmen went and hid at his Rwenkuba Farm, where he reportedly roasted a bull for them in appreciation of their unlawful services.

Upon his arrest, Katuramu, a wealthy man, hired a team of defense lawyers that comprised of some of the most expensive and sharpest criminal lawyers in town, who included a former Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), Macdusman Kabega. Kabega is currently representing Molly Katanga, a businesswoman undergoing a high-profile trial centered on the murder of her husband, the late Henry Katanga.

One of the hitmen suspects, Bob Swart, hired a soft-spoken and extremely humble lawyer, Edward Ddaamulira Muguluma, whom very few people gave a chance to successfully defend his client. Muguluma was a very tough defence criminal lawyer in the league of the  late Henry Kayondo, even as he was a shy old man whose demeanor was just a facade that concealed his razor-sharp intelligence.

For a long time, Muguluma, who studied in Namilyango College, studied as a Barrister in London and obtained a masters degree from Belgium, was the Principal Lawyer for the Democratic Party (DP) even though majority of Ugandans never got to know about it since he was not a proud man but preferred operating  silently.

Muguluma was an Attorney General in Botswana before President Yoweri Museveni personally invited him back to Uganda to conduct his law practice from his motherland. Returning to the murder case of Katuramu, his expensive lawyers did everything humanely and legally possible to convince the courts, all the way to the Supreme Court. But despite their frantic efforts, they failed to rescue their client as his fate was finally sealed by the Supreme Court.

Treated by many as a weak criminal defence lawyer, Muguluma shocked Katuramu, his expensive team of lawyers and everyone else when he expertly cross examined the prosecution witnesses, filed water tight submissions and ultimately saved his client Bob Swart from the gallows. After securing an acquittal, Muguluma got his client aside and advised him to leave for Dubai, because the police was certainly going to kill him.

Bob Swart did as counseled but clandestinely came back to the country to check on his girlfriend. Here, the police got to know of his presence. One day, the police arrested Bob Swart’s girlfriend and used her to trick his boyfriend that she had a big problem and urgently wanted to meet him. Bob Swart, who loved expensive and fast motorbikes, jumped on his motorcycle and sped off to somewhere in Nakulabye to meet her girlfriend whom, he believed that actually had a pressing problem. Where he expected to meet his girlfriend, Bob Swart was instead met by a hail of bullets that tragically cut him down.

Ironically, Bob Swart did not live long enough to treat his dependable lawyer during the time of his illness, nor was able to burry him when he finally died. President Museveni subsequently pardoned Katuramu after reconciling with the relatives of the late Prince Kijjangoma and he has since laid low like an envelope.

]]> https://theinvestigatornews.com/2025/11/breaking-be-very-worried-drake-twebaze-the-notorious-scammer-and-chief-govt-impersonator-is-back-in-town-leaving-gold-investor-in-tears-upon-his-wake/#utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=breaking-be-very-worried-drake-twebaze-the-notorious-scammer-and-chief-govt-impersonator-is-back-in-town-leaving-gold-investor-in-tears-upon-his-wake Wed, 26 Nov 2025 17:30:03 +0000 https://theinvestigatornews.com/?p=7929 In the early 2000, a notorious scammer, Drake Twebaze rocked Kampala and it’s environs like an earthquake. In one of his alleged scams, Twebaze, who at the time slept in his personal bungalow located in Zzana along Kampala-Entebbe Highway, posed as a government Permanent Secretary, whereas not.

Under the cover of the said false identity, the deceptive Twebaze drafted a phony tender bid attributed to a government ministry, seeking for the purchase of motor vehicle tyres on behalf of that ministry. Done with the drafting of the fake tender bid documents, Twebaze dispatched the same to his victims who, unfortunately, surrendered the motor vehicle tyres under the mistaken belief that they were dealing with a genuine government Permanent Secretary, whereas not.

Fortunately enough, the Uganda Police laid a dragnet, harvested, charged and arraigned Twebaze before court, over charges of impersonation, forgery and obtaining money by false pretenses. During the subsequent trial conducted by Buganda Road Chief Magistrate then, Betty Munaaba, the suspect stunned court when he expertly cross-examined prosecution witnesses, just like a seasoned defence lawyer.

Be that as it may, Munaaba ultimately convicted Twebaze after she memorably remarked that though he acted cleverly, he committed the charges which the State slapped against him. Now, following a considerable period of time which he had spent lying as low as an envelope, after being arrested several times in the past, Twebaze recently stepped out of his underworld and resumed his fraudulent activities from where he had previously stopped.

His latest victim was an investor whom he allegedly defrauded of USD146,000 woth, based on an impure gold transaction misrepresented as a pure one. Fortunately, the security agencies, led by the State House Anti-corruption Unit (SHACU) headed by Maj. Gen Henry Isoke, swung into action and rounded up Twebaze and his accomplices.

Right now, the suspects are in the safe hands of the prison services after a magistrate in town rejected to admit them to bail and instead remanded them for a fortnight. The latest criminal charges is a warning that Twebaze’s criminal cartel is still alive and kicking, and just waiting for an opportunist time to conduct more fraudulent activities.

The latest round of charges serve as a wake-up call to the members of public to be on the look out going forward, short of which Twebaze’s cartel will potentially catch them unaware. From his earlier criminal exploits and court experiences, Twebaze likely learnt lessons and now returns as a more sophisticated scammer than he was in the past, to once more conduct his fraudulent activities.

His return calls for extra vigilance from the relevant government security agencies to curb his potential criminal activities. Finally, the security agencies will need going forward to get to the bottom of Twebaze’s cartel once and for all to save his potential innocent victims  psychological torture triggered by loss of their hard-earned funds.