Gen Muhoozi announced the arrest on social media, saying the suspect was apprehended after a security operation targeting the killings that have haunted communities in Greater Masaka and other parts of western Uganda.

“I am glad to inform our fellow citizens that the security forces have arrested the evil Mujurizi Moses,” Gen Muhoozi wrote. “The worst serial killer and cannibal in Uganda’s history.”

According to the CDF, Mujurizi allegedly killed and ate 38 people between 2010 and 2025, with the alleged murders occurring in Masaka, Ibanda and Kazo.

The announcement has revived memories of a string of unexplained and brutal killings in Greater Masaka, where families were attacked in their homes, sometimes at night, leaving investigators struggling for years to establish whether the incidents were connected.

Gen Muhoozi said the suspect would be prosecuted, but also made a controversial declaration about the punishment he expects.

“We will try him in public and definitely execute him,” he said. The statement has generated intense public interest because of the scale and brutality of the allegations, while also raising questions about how the suspect will be brought to justice through Uganda’s courts.

The Greater Masaka trail

The arrest comes against the backdrop of a long-running investigation into killings that had previously been associated with a man identified in police and media reports as Fred Mujulizi, alias Kulaish or Kulaishi Kamugisha.

The similarity between the names in the latest announcement and those in earlier investigations is likely to become an important issue for investigators as they establish the suspect’s identity, aliases and possible links to the older cases.

In 2013, then Deputy Director of Criminal Investigations Godfrey Musana described the suspect as a dangerous individual who was constantly moving around on motorcycles.

Police investigations at the time suggested that the attacks were not random. In some cases, assailants allegedly dug or drilled through walls of victims’ houses before gaining entry and attacking occupants with machetes.

The violence shocked communities because entire families could be wiped out in a single attack. One of the most notorious cases was the January 2013 killing of nine members of the family of Pentecostal pastor Steven Mugambe in Kanabulemu village, Kyebe Sub-county, in the then Rakai District, now Kyotera.

The killings became one of the defining cases in the Greater Masaka murder investigations and contributed to fears that a highly organised group was moving from village to village targeting families.

Other cases were reported in Kyannamukaaka Sub-county, where six people from two families were killed in late 2012.

Five other people from two families were reportedly killed in Kijonjo village, Buwunga Sub-county, in 2023.

The repeated attacks prompted security agencies to pursue suspects believed to have been involved in a wider network.

A suspect who repeatedly escaped

One of the most troubling elements of the earlier investigations was the history of arrests and escapes surrounding the suspect.

Reports indicated that the man had been arrested several times since 2009, only to escape or be released under circumstances that subsequently became the subject of controversy.

Those repeated developments left some victims’ families convinced that the investigations had not been brought to a satisfactory conclusion.

The latest arrest therefore represents a potentially significant breakthrough if investigators can establish that the man now identified by Gen Muhoozi is the same individual previously linked to the Greater Masaka killings.

It could also allow detectives to revisit old case files using fresh evidence and statements from relatives who have continued to demand answers.

Fresh murder case

The latest developments gained momentum in October after a man identified as Fred Mujulizi, alias Kulaish Kamugisha, aged 38 and described as a moneylender from the Nyendo-Mukungwe area, appeared before a Masaka magistrate alongside Huzairuh Kyambadde.

The two were facing murder and human trafficking charges arising from the September 28 killing of a woman in a suspected ritual murder. Police said the suspect had confessed and that exhibits had been recovered from his home.

The two accused were remanded to Masaka Central Prison until November 5, as Greater Masaka police reopened older case files and began receiving fresh complaints from families.

That investigation appears to have provided security agencies with an opportunity to revisit the wider pattern of killings.

The alleged discovery of additional information could now help detectives establish whether the recent case is connected to the older murders and whether the suspect operated alone or as part of a wider network.

‘Operation Sasi Ku Nyama’

The arrest has been celebrated by some members of the public and security supporters, who credited the security forces with tracking down the suspect.

One social media user, Alex J Muhangi, congratulated the commandos, writing: “Job well done to the commandos, #OperationSasiKuNyama is the way to go.”

Another user, Coach Gad, praised the security leadership, saying: “Great job to our forces. We appreciate your leadership on ensuring wanainchi are safe and peaceful in Uganda.”

The reactions reflect the fear that the Greater Masaka killings generated over the years and the relief among some residents that a suspect has now been apprehended. But the arrest also places considerable responsibility on investigators and prosecutors.

The allegations against Mujurizi are extraordinarily serious. If prosecutors are to establish responsibility for dozens of murders, they will need to build cases based on admissible evidence rather than relying solely on confessions or public claims.

Investigators will have to establish the identities of the alleged victims, circumstances of their deaths, locations, dates, possible witnesses, forensic evidence and any connection between the suspect and individual crime scenes.

They will also have to determine whether the allegations of cannibalism can be independently substantiated.

Justice versus public anger

Gen Muhoozi’s declaration that the suspect will be tried “in public” and “definitely” executed is likely to attract scrutiny because the determination of guilt and sentence belongs to the courts.

The arrest announcement, however, marks a dramatic new chapter in a murder saga that has stretched across several years and districts.

For families whose relatives disappeared or were killed in unexplained circumstances, the immediate question is whether the arrest will finally provide answers.

The Greater Masaka killings have remained among Uganda’s most disturbing unresolved murder cases, characterised by attacks on families, allegations of organised perpetrators and repeated complaints that suspects escaped justice.

Now, with security forces claiming to have arrested Mujurizi and with older files reportedly being reopened, investigators face the task of connecting the pieces.

If the allegations are proved, the case could become one of the most significant serial-murder prosecutions in Uganda’s history.

At the centre of the extraordinary sequence of events is an unidentified woman whom police are now seeking to trace. This follows the disappearance of Assistant Director of Public Prosecutions (ADPP) Alex Bagada who was later discovered unconscious several kilometers away from where he had left his vehicle.

According to sources familiar with the investigation, Bagada met the woman at a sauna before the two reportedly agreed to continue their evening at Alchemist Bar in Bugolobi. What followed was, according to the account being investigated, a combination of drinks and a private encounter that would later leave the prosecutor unable to remember how he travelled from Bugolobi to Wakaliga.

Bagada reportedly left his vehicle, registration number UBK 031D, at the bar’s parking lot before entering the woman’s car. His recollection of the night is said to have ended at that point. Several kilometers away, near Lubiri Secondary School in Wakaliga, passersby found the senior prosecutor lying unconscious in a bush during the early hours of October 9^th 2026.

A source familiar with the incident told The Investigator that the prosecutor had met the woman during the evening before the two proceeded to drink. “He hooked up the babe and the two went to drink beer at Alchemist and further went to have her prosecuted near the `river between valley…` From here, she supposedly gave him an overdose of happiness.”

“Bagada collapsed after the reported excessive romps and that’s how he got robbed,” the source alleged. However, the exact circumstances under which Bagada lost consciousness remain unclear, and investigators will have to establish whether he was drugged, suffered a medical episode, or was incapacitated through another means.

The woman remains unidentified, according to the information available, and police are expected to examine CCTV footage, phone records, movements around the bar and other possible leads to establish what happened after Bagada entered her vehicle. The reported disappearance of Shs129 million makes the case particularly significant.

For a senior Public Prosecutor whose professional work involves handling criminal cases on behalf of the state, now becoming a victim of such a sophisticated robbery, is an unusual twist. But the Bagada incident, if established by investigators, would not be an isolated example of men being lured into compromising situations before losing their valuables.

The Familiar Kampala Trap

Police have previously warned about women who approach men in bars and entertainment venues before drugging and robbing them. In November 2022, the Uganda Police Force (UPF) publicly warned men about a woman identified as Lydia Nakayizzi Asiimwe, also known as Hope Kalungi, who was accused of drugging men in bars and lodges before stealing from them.

Police said the suspect had allegedly targeted men she met in entertainment places, with victims including security personnel. In one case, a soldier holding the rank of Lieutenant told police that he had met a woman in a bar, entered his vehicle with her and subsequently lost consciousness. He later regained consciousness but without his valuables.

Police said another victim was robbed of UGX3 million in cash and ATM cards, after which withdrawals amounting to UGX10 million were made from his accounts. The suspect was subsequently arrested. The case demonstrated one of the difficulties investigators face in such crimes.

Victims may initially hesitate to disclose the circumstances in which they met the suspect because of the embarrassment, fear of ridicule or concerns that their private lives will become public. Police have nevertheless repeatedly warned that criminals can exploit this reluctance.

In its warning following the 2022 case, police said criminals could target men who appear intoxicated, wealthy or attracted to strangers they meet in bars and other entertainment venues.

Not only Ordinary Revellers

The reported Bagada incident also comes against a broader history of government officials becoming victims of theft in entertainment environments. In September 2022, Sylvia Nakyeyune, then administrator of Wakiso District Local Government, reported the theft of UGX90 million after visiting QC Restaurant and Bar in Nansana.

According to police, Nakyeyune had reportedly parked her Toyota Premio before entering the establishment. She later drove towards Ndejje intending to deposit the money, only to discover that it was missing. Police subsequently arrested several suspects, including the bar manager, as investigations continued.

CCTV footage showed a Subaru entering the parking area shortly after Nakyeyune had arrived and an occupant later opening the boot of her vehicle. Although that case did not involve a romantic encounter, it illustrates how individuals carrying substantial amounts of money can become targets in and around entertainment venues. The Bagada case, however, has a more personal dimension because the alleged suspect appears to have gained access to the prosecutor through a social encounter.

A Pattern that Goes Beyond Kampala

Uganda Police has repeatedly acknowledged the danger posed by drug-assisted robberies. In November 2024, police warned about a series of cases in which passengers travelling on buses were allegedly sedated before being robbed. Police said criminals had developed a pattern of getting victims to consume food or drinks laced with sedatives before taking their valuables. The phenomenon is therefore not limited to bars or romantic encounters.

What makes the Bagada case striking is the alleged combination of money, alcohol, a new acquaintance and a private sexual encounter before the victim was found unconscious. For investigators, however, the challenge is to separate speculation from evidence.

The amount allegedly stolen must be established. The medical circumstances surrounding Bagada’s loss of consciousness must also be determined. Investigators will need to establish whether any substance was administered and, if so, what substance it was and how it entered his system.

CCTV footage from Alchemist Bar and surrounding roads could prove critical, particularly because Bagada reportedly left his vehicle at the establishment before entering the woman’s car. Phone records could also help investigators reconstruct the woman’s movements and identify who she communicated with before and after the alleged robbery.

The Price of a Secret Night

The case also raises a less comfortable question about the vulnerability of senior public officials outside their workplaces. People in positions of authority often have access to substantial resources, sensitive information and influential networks. But outside the office, they remain ordinary targets for criminals. Police have consistently advised members of the public not to accept drinks from strangers, not to leave beverages unattended and to exercise caution when leaving entertainment venues with people they have just met.

The British government’s Uganda travel advice similarly warns that people have been drugged and robbed in bars and advises against accepting food or drinks from strangers. For Bagada, the investigation will now determine whether the events of October 9 were the result of a carefully executed robbery, a personal encounter that went disastrously wrong, or something else entirely.

Until the woman is identified and questioned, key questions will remain unanswered: Where did the alleged Shs129 million go? Who transported Bagada to Wakaliga? What happened inside the vehicle? Was he drugged, and by whom? And was the woman acting alone?

Those questions now form the heart of the police inquiry. For the public prosecutor, a professional accustomed to building cases against suspects, the tables have dramatically turned. This time, he is reportedly the complainant—and detectives must reconstruct the missing hours of his night to determine who, exactly, walked away with his money.

Opondo’s latest intervention, made in Parliament on October 22^nd 2026, has placed him among a small group of senior NRM figures willing to publicly question the conduct of security agencies, particularly where the military is alleged to have become involved in the arrest and detention of civilians.

The remarks came as Parliament debated alleged abductions, missing persons and human rights violations, with Opondo focusing on the case of 27-year-old human rights activist Aloikin Praise Opoloje. According to the account presented to Parliament, Opoloje was allegedly lured to a police station before being taken away by people she identified as military intelligence officers. She said she was placed in a vehicle commonly known as a “drone” and assaulted.

Upon release on bail, Opoloje told the media that the people who arrested her demanded access to her telephone and its PIN after she had photographed one of them. Opondo’s response was direct. “Is this now the way to apprehend suspects—that they make a decoy, lure you into a police station and then the military come and arrest? Is this the way?” he asked. He went further, asking whether such conduct had become “the new law of the NRM” and demanding explanations from the Ministers of Defence and Internal Affairs and the Attorney General.

A Second Warning in Days

The parliamentary intervention came shortly after Opondo had publicly warned Gen Muhoozi that power should not be exercised through fear. In an opinion piece published earlier this month, Opondo questioned allegations surrounding military detention of civilians and the existence of what he described as alleged “torture chambers”. He urged the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF) to ensure that those around him did not turn the military into an instrument of political intimidation.

The latest intervention therefore looks less like an isolated disagreement and more like a developing political argument between an NRM elder and a younger generation of leaders associated with Muhoozi and the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU). Opondo’s central argument is that military strength cannot substitute for political legitimacy. He has effectively challenged the proposition that guns can create sustainable political authority.

“Whoever wants to replace President Museveni must do more than he has done in terms of tolerance and verbal engagement, rather than using crude power,” Opondo has argued. The warning carries particular political weight because Opondo is not an opposition politician. He spent decades as one of the government’s most recognisable defenders and served for years as government spokesperson.

His criticism is therefore coming from within the NRM establishment. Impeccable sources have told this reporter that Opondo speaks the mind of his boss President Museveni. This source claims because president Museveni fears his son like a plague, he has decided to speak through his barking dogs and Opondo is the chief dog.

The Basement Controversy

At the centre of the wider debate is the controversial use of the word “basement” in relation to alleged military detention. Gen Muhoozi has previously made statements about holding some individuals in a basement, including opposition figures. The allegations have subsequently become part of a broader public debate over whether military facilities are being used to detain civilians.

One of the most prominent cases involved Eddie Mutwe, a close associate of National Unity Platform (NUP) leader Robert Kyagulanyi. Mutwe disappeared in 2025 and later appeared in a visibly weakened condition. His lawyers alleged that he had been tortured and subjected to severe mistreatment while in detention.

The controversy intensified after Gen Muhoozi publicly acknowledged that Mutwe had been held under his watch and referred to a “basement”. Mutwe’s lawyers subsequently alleged that he had been detained and tortured there. Government officials disputed aspects of the allegations.

The significance of the basement controversy is not merely the physical location. It is the constitutional question it raises: Can a serving military officer or military institution lawfully detain civilians outside the ordinary criminal justice system? That is the question Opondo is now effectively putting before Parliament.

From Besigye to Lukwago and Opoloje

The controversy has a much longer history than the current dispute involving Gen Muhoozi. Dr Kizza Besigye, one of President Museveni’s most persistent political challengers, has for years faced arrests, detention and restrictions during periods of political mobilisation. His lawyer, Kampala Lord Mayor Erias Lukwago, has also become a central figure in the debate.

In June 2026, Lukwago was arrested by armed security personnel and taken to an undisclosed location, with his whereabouts unknown for more than 48 hours. Rights groups described the incident as an enforced disappearance, while Gen Muhoozi publicly claimed responsibility for taking Lukwago to his “basement”. Lukwago was subsequently transferred to police custody and charged.

The case is particularly sensitive because Lukwago was not simply an opposition politician. He was also acting as a lawyer for Besigye. That creates a disturbing question about the boundary between political policing and the ordinary administration of justice. Then came Opoloje.

Her case has brought the controversy into Parliament at a moment when legislators are already demanding explanations over people allegedly arrested by security agencies and not promptly produced before court. Opondo’s complaint is therefore not simply that people are being arrested. It is about how they are being arrested, who is arresting them and where they are being taken.

The Phone PIN Question

Perhaps one of the most revealing aspects of the Opoloje case is the allegation that security personnel demanded her telephone and PIN. Opondo told Parliament that Opoloje had photographed one of the people involved in her arrest and that investigators could examine the phone to establish what happened. The episode raises a broader concern about citizens’ digital privacy during security operations.

A suspect can be investigated and prosecuted through lawful procedures. But compelling access to private information outside established legal safeguards risks turning a legitimate investigation into an arbitrary exercise of power. For Opondo, the answer should be institutional accountability, not political loyalty.

He has reportedly complained that human-rights concerns have persisted within the NRM parliamentary caucus for months but that there has been no meaningful effort to hold an official discussion. “I didn’t know that as NRM, we would reach the level where we fear to say the truth, but that’s where we are,” he said, according to The Investigator. That statement may prove to be one of the most consequential parts of his intervention.

Museveni’s Political Method Under Scrutiny

Opondo’s argument also implicitly raises a larger question about President Museveni’s political legacy. For four decades, the NRM has portrayed itself as a movement that ended instability and brought order after years of political violence. Its historical claim to legitimacy has therefore rested partly on the promise of preventing Uganda from returning to the era of arbitrary state violence.

That makes allegations of secret detention and torture especially damaging. If civilians can be arrested by military personnel, taken to undisclosed locations and allegedly subjected to violence, then the distinction between lawful government and arbitrary rule begins to blur.

Human Rights Watch has documented historical cases of illegal detention and torture by Ugandan security units, including the former Rapid Response Unit, noting allegations of beatings, forced confessions and prolonged detention without access to lawyers or family members. The challenge for the NRM today is therefore not simply whether security agencies can defeat their opponents. It is whether the State can demonstrate that it remains governed by institutions rather than individuals.

“Walk Downtown Without the Guns”

Opondo’s strongest political point is his challenge to those who believe coercive power can sustain authority indefinitely. His argument is essentially that guns can create fear but cannot create genuine public legitimacy. He has challenged proponents of crude power to walk through downtown Kampala without the protection of armed escorts and discover whether ordinary citizens actually accept them. That is a powerful distinction between commanding obedience and earning legitimacy.

President Museveni’s political longevity has been built not only on military strength but also on political organisation, electoral mobilisation, negotiation, patronage, ideological messaging and, at various moments, engagement with political opponents. Opondo’s warning is that anyone seeking to inherit the presidency must understand that military authority alone cannot reproduce that political formula. The next leader, he argues, must demonstrate greater tolerance, restraint and capacity for dialogue—not less.

The Danger of Normalising Impunity

Opondo’s intervention is particularly important because it comes at a time when members of the ruling party are increasingly being asked to choose between institutional loyalty and personal loyalty. His supporters argue that he is saying what many NRM members privately believe but are afraid to say publicly. His critics, however, accuse him of attacking Gen Muhoozi for political relevance. That debate should not obscure the substantive issue.

Whether one supports Museveni, Muhoozi, Besigye, Bobi Wine or any other political figure, arbitrary detention and torture allegations should be investigated according to the law. A government that allows security agencies to operate beyond accountability eventually weakens itself. The question before the NRM is therefore bigger than Ofwono Opondo.

It is whether the movement that came to power promising to restore constitutional order can prevent security power from becoming a substitute for political dialogue. For Opondo, the answer appears clear: Uganda cannot be governed permanently through fear. If Muhoozi is to become a credible successor to Museveni, the test will not simply be whether he commands the guns. It will be whether he can command confidence without them. And if the NRM wants to preserve its historical claim to having restored order to Uganda, it must demonstrate that the State’s strongest weapon is not the gun, the drone or the detention basement—but the law.

The criminal summons issued by Kampala City Hall Court marks a significant development in the gold scam allegations involving the senior Islamic leader and his business associate, who are accused of participating in a transaction that allegedly left the complainant, Muhammad Kwaido, counting losses.

The case raises fresh questions about the use of prominent religious and business figures in high-value gold transactions, a sector that has repeatedly attracted fraud allegations in Uganda, particularly where prospective buyers are promised access to precious minerals for lucrative international markets.

Bukenya and Lubega are expected to answer the allegations through the judicial process. During the latest court proceedings, the prosecution told court that it could not make disclosures because the case file had been called by the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP), following a complaint reportedly lodged by the Deputy Mufti.

Senior Magistrate Edgar Karakire subsequently adjourned the matter to November 25, 2026, allowing the case to return to court after the developments surrounding the file are addressed.

The summons places a senior figure in Uganda’s Muslim leadership at the centre of a criminal case involving a substantial sum of money and an alleged gold supply agreement.

How the alleged gold deal unfolded

According to the allegations presented in court, Kwaido parted with $288,000 after being led to believe that he was purchasing three kilogrammes of gold.

The central question in the case is whether the money was obtained through a genuine commercial arrangement that subsequently failed or through a fraudulent representation intended to induce the complainant to release his money.

The prosecution will have to establish the circumstances under which the money changed hands, the representations allegedly made to Kwaido, the role each accused played in the transaction and whether the elements of the offences charged can be proved.

The involvement of two defendants also raises questions about the nature of their relationship in the transaction, including who negotiated the deal, who received or controlled the money and what arrangements, if any, were made to deliver the gold.

These questions will be central to determining individual criminal responsibility as the proceedings progress.

The three-kilogramme quantity cited in the allegations is particularly important because gold transactions of this scale can involve substantial sums, often depending on purity, prevailing international prices and the terms agreed between the parties.

However, the amount allegedly paid does not, on its own, establish whether the transaction was fraudulent. That determination rests on the evidence presented before court.

DPP recalls file as case takes a new turn

The latest proceedings took an unexpected turn when the prosecution informed court that it was unable to make disclosures because the file had been called by the DPP.

The development followed a complaint reportedly made by Bukenya, although the precise grounds of that complaint and the DPP’s reasons for calling the file were not established in the information presented during the proceedings.

The DPP, who exercises constitutional authority over public prosecutions in Uganda, plays a central role in decisions concerning criminal proceedings. The handling of the file could therefore prove significant to the next phase of the case.

It remains unclear from the proceedings outlined so far whether the file was recalled for further review, consideration of the complaint or another prosecutorial purpose. Such details would need to be established through official clarification rather than speculation.

Magistrate Karakire adjourned the case to November 25, 2026.

The adjournment means that the allegations remain before the judicial system, with the next hearing expected to provide an opportunity for further procedural developments.

For Kwaido, the case presents an opportunity to pursue accountability through the courts over the money he allegedly paid. For the accused, the proceedings offer an opportunity to challenge the allegations and present their defence in accordance with the law.

The court will ultimately have to consider the evidence and arguments presented by both sides before reaching any determination on criminal liability.

Police statement traces alleged deal from mosque to refinery

An earlier investigation published by The Investigator on September 14, 2026, provides further background to the allegations and describes how the proposed gold transaction allegedly moved between several locations before the money was transferred.

According to the publication, the allegations were based on a statement to police by Muhammad Ibrahim Abdullahi, a Nigerian national and diplomatic officer serving at the Nigerian High Commission in Kampala. His account describes how prospective buyers were allegedly introduced to people presented as gold dealers through the Deputy Mufti.

Abdullahi reportedly told police that the prospective buyers initially sought assistance in sourcing genuine gold and were introduced to individuals represented as legitimate sellers. The negotiations allegedly began at Old Kampala Mosque before moving to a restaurant near Gaddafi Mosque and later to a facility identified as Nureen Enterprises, where the purported gold was presented for testing.

The account identifies Kwaido as the person who allegedly lost the $288,000. Abdullahi reportedly said the three bars were presented as genuine gold, but subsequent examination revealed that they were counterfeit, allegedly consisting of steel or another base metal coated with gold.

The publication also reported that the payment was arranged through a cryptocurrency transaction involving USDT, a digital token designed to maintain a value linked to the US dollar. This is an important aspect of the investigation because investigators would need to establish the recipient of the funds and trace the transaction records to determine who ultimately benefited from the payment.

These details remain allegations contained in a police account reported by The Investigator. They have not, merely by being reported, established the criminal responsibility of any individual.

Prosecutor confirms why the file was recalled

The latest court proceedings have provided a separate, formal account of the case’s procedural status. State prosecutor Miriam Akite told court that the prosecution could not provide the requested disclosures because the DPP had called for the file following a complaint lodged by the Deputy Mufti.

“We cannot disclose because the Mufti lodged a complaint and the file was called by the DPP,” Akite was quoted as saying in court.

The prosecution subsequently sought criminal summons against Bukenya, and Magistrate Karakire granted the request. The case was adjourned to November 25, 2026, for mention.

The charge sheet lists two counts: obtaining money by false pretence, contrary to Section 285 of the Penal Code Act, and conspiracy to commit a felony, contrary to Section 363. The prosecution alleges that Bukenya, Lubega and other people who remain at large acted together in obtaining the money.

Lubega has already appeared in court and was granted bail. The criminal summons against Bukenya requires him to appear and answer the charges; it is not a finding of guilt.

The next proceedings will be important in establishing how the prosecution intends to proceed following the DPP’s recall of the file and whether the defence will receive the disclosures it has requested.

For now, the case places the alleged gold transaction, the movement of the money and the relationships between the people involved under judicial scrutiny. The decisive question remains whether the prosecution can substantiate its allegations with admissible evidence and prove the charges against each accused beyond reasonable doubt.

In a video posted on TikTok last night, Mabonga defended Cohen as a legitimate investor and portrayed himself as someone providing private security services to the businessman. The disclosure has added a new factor to the growing controversy surrounding Cohen, a foreign gold dealer whose activities in Uganda have increasingly drawn attention from security agencies, gold traders and, reportedly, the highest levels of government.

Mabonga came into the limelight after publishing the above mentioned footage of Mugumya, which spread widely on social media and triggered public outrage over the alleged treatment of the opposition activist while in detention. However, the footage also brought Lt. Herbert Mabonga himself under scrutiny.

His association with Cohen had previously been noted, and his appearance alongside the gold dealer raised questions about the businessman he was protecting and the circumstances under which Cohen had established himself in Uganda’s lucrative gold industry. Mabonga’s subsequent defence of Cohen has now made those questions even more difficult to ignore. For starters, it’s important to profile the person of Carlos Cohen.

Who is He 

Until recently, Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio was a relatively obscure figure in Uganda’s gold-trading circles. He moved around in an armoured vehicle, surrounded by the kind of security and pomp commonly associated with high-value gold dealers. But unlike many of the indigenous gold traders who have operated in Uganda for years, Cohen’s profile suddenly rose after a purported letter from President Yoweri Museveni to the Inspector General of Police, directing the police chief to personally supervise investigations into a multimillion-dollar gold scam.

The letter, whose authenticity has been questioned by some people familiar with its circulation, was titled “INTERVENTION IN A GOLD SCAM CASE” and addressed to IGP Abas Byakagaba. In it, President Museveni purportedly recounts a complaint from two gold buyers, Gafar Ibrahim and Nagi Muhammed, Cohen`s collegues, who claimed to have lost hundreds of thousands of United States dollars to individuals they described as fraudsters.

“I have got a letter dated the 29th of June, 2026 from two gold buyers by the names of Gafar Ibrahim … and Nagi Muhammed,” the purported presidential letter begins. According to the document, the two complainants had narrated how large sums of money were allegedly taken from them in a gold transaction and how they subsequently reported the matter to several security agencies.

Among those named were Col. Edith Nakalema, Senior Presidential Advisor on Anti-Corruption and head of the State House Investors Protection Unit; Brig. Gen. Henry Isoke, who heads the State House Anti-Corruption Unit; Crime Intelligence, headed by Gen. Christopher Ddamulira; Uganda Police Force under IGP Byakagaba; and the military intelligence authorities.

The letter purportedly expresses the President’s dissatisfaction with the progress of the investigations. “All these have not helped them,” the document states, before directing the Inspector General of Police to personally take charge of the matter. “This is therefore to direct you to personally oversee the investigation of this scam, apprehend these criminals and recover their money,” the letter says.

It then reportedly gives the police chief two months to resolve the matter, subject to verification of the complainants’ claims. “I give you 2 months to solve this problem if the accusers are saying the truth,” the letter states.

Copies of the purported correspondence were reportedly circulated to several of the parties involved, including Ibrahim Muhammed Gafar. Yet, while Cohen’s name does not appear in the presidential letter, we have traced the circumstances surrounding the complaint to a much more intriguing figure, Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio, commonly known as Carlos Cohen.

According to information obtained by The Investigator, Cohen is alleged to have been instrumental in facilitating access between Gafar and Nagi and senior authorities at State House. That development raises a larger question of who exactly, is Carlos Cohen, the foreign gold dealer whose business dealings have apparently attracted presidential attention?

Who Exactly Is Carlos Cohen?

Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio was reportedly born on September 30, 1978, in Angola, to Alipio Joaquim Ferreira and Celeste Cohen. His early life and movements remain difficult to independently establish, but available information suggests that he left Angola in the late 1990s and eventually settled in Portugal, where he is said to have acquired citizenship.

His nationality and identity have, however, become a subject of discussion. In some circles, he has reportedly been described as Portuguese, while other accounts have associated him with Israel. The circumstances surrounding these different descriptions remain unclear. More significantly, records reportedly obtained from Portugal point to a long-running criminal case involving a person bearing Cohen’s name.

The records relate to proceedings before the Albufeira District Court (Tribunal Judicial de Albufeira) in Portugal’s Algarve region. According to those records, Cohen has for years been wanted in connection with criminal allegations involving unlawful appropriation, fraud and document forgery.

The case reportedly dates back to the early 2000s and concerns allegations that, if established in court, could have serious consequences. The Portuguese proceedings are particularly significant because they reportedly show that the defendant became difficult for authorities to locate.

The Allegations

The first allegation cited in the Portuguese proceedings is unlawful appropriation. In general terms, unlawful appropriation involves taking, using or retaining property belonging to another person without lawful authority or consent. The precise legal meaning and applicable penalty depend on the circumstances and the relevant provisions of Portuguese law.

The second allegation is simple fraud, or burla simples. Under Article 217 of Portugal’s Penal Code, fraud generally concerns obtaining an unlawful financial benefit by causing another person to act under an error or deception.

The third allegation concerns document forgery, commonly referred to in Portuguese as falsificação ou contrafacção de documento. The relevant provision, Article 256 of the Portuguese Penal Code, addresses conduct involving the falsification, alteration or misuse of documents where the statutory elements of the offence are met.

The 2006 Court Ruling

The Portuguese court records provide an unusual insight into what happened after Cohen became unavailable to the authorities. The proceedings are identified under Common Trial No. 451/00.0JAFAR, with Notice No. 2467/2006. According to the records cited, the matter was before the 2nd Court of the Albufeira District Court under Judge Dr. Patricia Malveiro.

On May 18, 2006, Cohen was reportedly declared contumacious under Article 335 of Portugal’s Code of Criminal Procedure. In simple terms, a declaration of contumacy is a legal mechanism applied when a defendant remains absent from proceedings in circumstances provided for by law. It can result in the suspension of proceedings until the defendant appears or is arrested.

A subsequent ruling stated thus; “The declaration of contumacy, which expires upon the defendant’s appearance in Court or arrest…” The ruling further provided for the suspension of the trial pending Cohen’s appearance or arrest and outlined additional legal consequences arising from the declaration.

Among those consequences was the restriction of certain legal and administrative transactions and the acquisition of specified official documents. The court consequently suspended the proceedings pending his arrest or appearance. That development would leave the case hanging over Cohen for years.

From Portugal to Dubai

According to the account being investigated by The Investigator, Cohen subsequently left Portugal and travelled to Dubai. It is from Dubai, according to the same account, that his Ugandan chapter began. While in Dubai, Cohen became acquainted with individuals connected to Uganda, eventually being introduced to a Ugandan national identified as Joram Itungo.

Itungo is described in the account as a 36-years long-serving State House employee. According to sources cited in the investigation, Itungo became an important link between Cohen and Uganda. After establishing contact with Itungo, Cohen travelled to Uganda. It was here, according to the account, that his involvement in Uganda’s gold trade began to attract increasing attention.

The Gold Business and the Disputes

Uganda’s gold trade is a lucrative but controversial sector, involving local traders, foreign buyers, brokers, refiners, investors and intermediaries. For Cohen, the business appears to have involved transactions running into millions of dollars. One of the disputes associated with him concerns a transaction in which he reportedly approached police at the Entebbe Aviation Police (AVIPOL), claiming that he had been defrauded of gold worth approximately USD1.6M.

That complaint adds another layer to a story that has increasingly become complicated by competing claims of victimhood. On one side are gold buyers who say they were defrauded and have sought the intervention of Uganda’s security agencies and State House. On the other are questions surrounding Cohen’s own history, including the unresolved proceedings reportedly pending against a person bearing his name in Portugal.

The result is an unusual situation in which an individual whose past is itself the subject of unresolved legal questions has emerged as a central figure in a dispute in Uganda involving claims of gold fraud running into hundreds of thousands, and potentially millions, of dollars.

Why President Museveni`s Intervention  

The purported presidential letter is significant. Not merely because of the money involved, but because of the extraordinary number of security and anti-corruption institutions reportedly approached before the matter reached the President. The correspondence names State House anti-corruption officials, Police, Crime Intelligence and military intelligence authorities.

The President’s reported instruction that the Inspector General of Police personally oversee the investigation is therefore likely to attract considerable public interest. But there is another question that remains unanswered. Why did a dispute involving private gold transactions require intervention at the highest level of government?

And perhaps more importantly, what was the precise relationship between Cohen, the complainants and the individuals who facilitated their access to State House? Those questions are at the heart of the continuing investigation.

The Bigger Questions

Cohen’s story raises a number of issues that authorities may ultimately have to clarify. First, what is his precise immigration and citizenship status in Uganda? Second, what is the current legal status of the Portuguese proceedings reportedly registered against him? Third, was the Portuguese arrest warrant ever executed, withdrawn, cancelled or otherwise disposed of?

Fourth, what exactly brought Cohen to Uganda’s gold market? Fifth, what was his relationship with the Ugandan officials and intermediaries who reportedly helped him establish contacts?

And finally, what was the precise nature of the gold transactions involving Gafar Ibrahim and Nagi Muhammed that ultimately triggered the purported presidential intervention? These questions cannot be conclusively answered merely by the existence of court records or complaints. They require documentary verification, responses from the individuals named, and clarification from the relevant authorities.

For now, what is clear is that Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio has moved from relative obscurity to the centre of a gold controversy that has reached the highest levels of Uganda’s security establishment. His reported history in Portugal, his movement through Dubai, his arrival in Uganda, his links to influential intermediaries and the multimillion-dollar gold disputes surrounding him form a complex trail that raises more questions than answers.

And as the Portuguese proceedings reportedly remain tied to his appearance or arrest, the next chapter of the Cohen story may ultimately depend not only on what happened in Uganda’s gold market, but also on whether the long-running legal questions surrounding his past are ever brought to a final conclusion.

The controversy has also raised questions about the treatment of suspects, the protection of witnesses and the exercise of prosecutorial discretion after a criminal case had already reached the Chief Magistrate`s Court at Buganda Road, City Hall chambers.

Last Friday, September 18th 2026 at be precise, three gentlemen walked into our offices in Kisaasi, to supposedly give an account of the events surrounding what they described as a gold-deal-gone-bad. Their leader, Joseph, was already known to the newsroom. One of the men was a lawyer who presented the group as acting on behalf of Sheikh Bukenya.

Their account broadly followed the chronology contained in a complaint filed by lawyers representing the alleged victim, a Nigerian Prince, Muhammad Kwaido. But the appearance of the men also introduced another dimension to the story. According to the account presented to us, they acknowledged the broad chronology surrounding the transaction but expressed concern about the direction of the criminal proceedings and the possibility that the Sheikh could ultimately face legal consequences.

That account though, could not by itself establish criminal liability against anyone. Its common knowledge that the allegations remain matters for investigators, prosecutors and the courts to determine. However, what is now beyond dispute, is that the transaction has generated a formal criminal complaint, a court case, an arrest warrant and a separate complaint to the Director of Public Prosecutions over the handling of the case file.

From a Mosque to a Restaurant

According to the account given to the newsroom and the complaint by Prince Kwaido’s lawyers, the alleged transaction began with discussions at Old Kampala Mosque. Kwaido, a Nigerian national described as a prince, and who was in dire need of Gold, was introduced to people said to be connected to the prospective sellers. The discussions subsequently moved to the office of the 2nd Deputy Mufti, Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya.

From there, according to the account, the parties moved to a restaurant in the vicinity of Gaddafi Mosque at Old Kampala, as negotiations over the purported gold continued. The transaction then took another step. The parties travelled to a selected smelting company where they were allegedly expected to receive three bars represented to the prospective buyer as genuine gold.

They waited for associates of the purported sellers to arrive with the bars. When the bars were eventually delivered, the group reportedly left the premises. The account presented to the newsroom states that the parties travelled in a vehicle belonging to the Deputy Mufti towards an area near the Nigerian High Commission. It was there, according to the complainant’s account, that payment was made through a USDT cryptocurrency arrangement.

The amount involved was USD288,000. At the prevailing exchange rate, that would amount to hundreds of millions of Uganda shillings, making the alleged transaction one of considerable financial significance. However, the gold later turned out not what it appeared to be! The deception, according to the complainant, only became apparent after the transaction had been completed.

The buyer began the process of documenting the gold and preparing it for export. It was during additional testing and verification that questions emerged over the authenticity of the three bars. Further examination reportedly established that the bars were counterfeit. That discovery transformed what had initially appeared to be a high-value commercial transaction into a criminal complaint.

For the buyer, the central question was no longer simply whether the gold could be exported. It was how three bars prior presented as genuine gold had passed through a chain of meetings and intermediaries, including locations associated with religious leadership, before being handed over in a transaction worth nearly US$300,000.

The Criminal Case

Nevertheless, the dispute subsequently entered the criminal justice system. The lawyers representing Kwaido have since identified the matter as CRB No. 085 of 2026, before the Chief Magistrate`s Court of Buganda Road, at City Hall. The complaint is principally against Lubega Muzamilu and others who are said to remain at large.

According to the September 8th 2026 letter, addressed to the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) Lino Anguzu, the complainant’s lawyers say the court had already issued criminal process against persons implicated in the case, including a warrant of arrest. The lawyers, from Ms Kaganzi & Co. Advocates, say their client became concerned after learning that the police file had subsequently been recalled by the Kampala Regional Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions.

The file, they say, remained at the Regional DPP’s office even though proceedings had already commenced before Buganda Road Court. It is this development that has become the second major controversy surrounding the gold case. Why was the file recalled? The lawyers seem to task Anguzu to explain the glaring anormally.

In their missive, the lawyers, signed for by Lady Counsel Akatukwasa Dianha, do not object to the prosecutorial authorities reviewing a criminal file. Their concern is what they describe as the manner and circumstances of the recall. They argue that a review should be “transparent, expeditious and consistent” with the constitutional mandate of the DPP.

The lawyers are particularly concerned that the recall occurred after the matter had already progressed before court and after criminal summons and a warrant of arrest had reportedly been issued against the Mufti Sheik Bukenya.

The question they want answered is straightforward: Why was the file recalled, where is it now, and what is delaying its return or further action? Those questions are important because recalling a file for prosecutorial review is not, in itself, proof of wrongdoing. Prosecutors may review files for a variety of legal and evidentiary reasons. The issue raised by the complainant is whether the process in this particular case has been handled consistently and without improper considerations.

The Deputy Mufti Bukenya Question

The most sensitive part of the complaint concerns Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya. The lawyers say their client considers the 2nd Deputy Mufti, their principal person of interest in the circumstances surrounding the entire transaction. They question why some individuals have been brought into the criminal process while, in their view, the Sheikh has not been subjected to similar action.

Their argument is that if credible evidence points to involvement by any individual, that person should be investigated according to the same standards regardless of office, social standing or influence they hold before the public. Akatukwasa specifically ask the DPP to independently examine the Sheikh’s alleged role in the events surrounding the transaction.

Importantly, the complaint itself does not amount to a finding of guilt against Sheikh Bukenya. Neither does the existence of a criminal complaint establish that the allegations made against him are utterly true, since those matters would have to be established through investigation and, where appropriate, judicial proceedings.

Fear of Witness Interference

Akatukwasa has also raised concerns about potential interference with witnesses. They argue that continued delay could create an opportunity for persons connected to the case to influence, intimidate, induce or otherwise interfere with material witnesses. This stance, if the same hasn’t been succeeded already!

The lawyers further describe their fears as an apprehension arising from what they say are the circumstances of the case and the alleged access that influential persons may have to individuals who could provide evidence. They therefore want the prosecution authorities to consider measures to ensure that witnesses can participate in the investigation and court process without intimidation or coercion.

This is potentially significant in any criminal investigation involving several participants, particularly where the prosecution’s case depends substantially on statements from people who were present during meetings, negotiations, payment or delivery of the alleged counterfeit gold.

Is There Selective Treatment?

Perhaps the strongest allegation in the lawyers’ letter is the suggestion of differential treatment among people implicated in the matter. The complainant’s lawyers point to the fact that warrants of arrest were reportedly issued against some suspects while Sheikh Bukenya, whom they consider “a person of interest”, has not been subjected to what they regard as equivalent criminal process.

They describe this as an apparent disparity. They stop short of dictating to the DPP how prosecutorial discretion should be exercised. Instead, they request an independent review of the circumstances surrounding the file and the people implicated in the investigation. Their position is essentially that status should not determine who is investigated or prosecuted.

Allegations of External Influence

The lawyers go further by expressing concern that external considerations could be affecting the handling of the file at the Kampala Regional DPP’s Office. This is an allegation contained in their complaint and not an established finding by The Investigator. They say the circumstances surrounding the recall and continued retention of the police file have created an apprehension that factors other than the evidence may be influencing the process.

Akatukwasa consequently asked the Director of Public Prosecutions, Lino Anguzu, to personally examine the matter. The request places the case at the intersection of two competing considerations; the DPP’s authority to review and direct criminal prosecutions, and the complainant’s expectation that a criminal case already before court should proceed without unexplained or unnecessary delay. Watch this space…

Matovu, 77, died at Kibuli Hospital after being attacked in the Kibuli Market Zone B area of Makindye Division in the early hours of September 24, 2026.

Police have opened a case of suspected murder and launched investigations into the circumstances surrounding the attack.

Kampala Metropolitan Police spokesperson Rachael Kawala said Matovu was attacked by unknown assailants before he was rushed to Kibuli Hospital, where he later succumbed to his injuries.

“Our task team is currently at the scene conducting investigations to establish the circumstances surrounding the incident,” Kawala said, adding that efforts were underway to identify and apprehend the suspects.

But as police began reconstructing the final moments of the celebrated musician’s life, conflicting accounts emerged about what happened before the fatal assault.

The girlfriend angle

Preliminary police information initially indicated that Matovu was attacked as he made his way for morning prayers.

However, accounts attributed to eyewitnesses and people familiar with the incident suggested that the musician had been at a woman’s home shortly before he was attacked.

One eyewitness account circulating on social media claimed that Matovu had dropped off a woman who has since been identified as Rose Tumusime and was subsequently confronted by another man believed to have been romantically involved with her.

Another account, attributed to a boda boda rider who reportedly helped take Matovu to hospital, also linked the assault to a dispute over a woman.

According to that version of events, an altercation developed after Matovu had been with the woman, with the other man allegedly first assaulting her before turning his attention to the musician.

The claims have triggered intense public debate because they present a very different picture from the initial description of the incident as an attack by unknown assailants.

Police have not, however, publicly established that Matovu was killed because of a romantic dispute. Reports indicate that investigators were interviewing the woman who was allegedly with him as they attempted to reconstruct the events leading to the attack.

The motive, identity of the attacker and exact sequence of events therefore remained under investigation at the time of publication.

The final journey

What is established is that Matovu was attacked in the Kibuli area in the early hours of Thursday.

He suffered serious injuries and was taken to Kibuli Hospital for treatment. Despite efforts to save him, he died.

Reports from the scene said residents gathered in the area as news of the attack spread, while police cordoned off the scene and began collecting information.

Other reports indicated that Matovu had been attacked as he headed towards morning prayers at Kibuli Mosque.

The circumstances surrounding the attack have left many Ugandans struggling to reconcile the violent death with the public image of a musician whose career had been defined by music, discipline and longevity.

A night on stage, a morning of tragedy

In another twist that has deepened the shock, Matovu had performed at an event in Kampala on Wednesday night, only hours before his death.

Tony Otoa, who said he had spoken to Matovu at the Sheraton that evening, recalled the encounter with disbelief. Otoa said Matovu had performed at a farewell party for the outgoing Executive Director of the Private Sector Foundation Uganda.

He said he spoke to the veteran musician about his late mother’s Afrigo music collection and the tapes he and his brother had traded.

For Otoa and many others who saw Matovu performing only hours earlier, news of his death was almost impossible to comprehend.

The contrast between the musician performing before an audience on Wednesday night and being pronounced dead after an attack on Thursday morning has amplified the sense of loss across Uganda.

Ugandans react

News of Matovu’s death immediately triggered an outpouring of grief from musicians, journalists, politicians, fans and ordinary Ugandans.

Social media was filled with tributes to the veteran performer, with many remembering not only his music but also the role he played in building Uganda’s live-band culture.

Jim Spire Ssentongo, commenting on Matovu’s death, recalled efforts that had been made over the years to have the musician awarded an honorary PhD in music in recognition of his contribution to Uganda’s music industry.

He described the circumstances of Matovu’s death as tragic while paying tribute to his contribution to Ugandan music.

Other mourners focused on the alleged circumstances of the killing.

Posts circulating online expressed shock at reports that a dispute involving a woman could have preceded the attack, although those details remained subject to police investigation.

Some mourners questioned how a disagreement could escalate into violence that claimed the life of a 77-year-old music veteran.

The man behind Afrigo

Matovu’s death marks the passing of one of the central figures in Uganda’s musical history.

Born on June 19, 1949, in Kawempe, Kampala, Matovu began his professional music journey in the 1960s.

He joined the Thunderbirds Band in 1967, later moved to the Police Band and subsequently became part of Cranes Band.

When Cranes Band collapsed, Matovu and fellow musicians went on to establish Afrigo Band in 1975.

The group would eventually become Uganda’s longest-running and one of its most influential live bands.

Matovu served as its leader, vocalist and saxophonist while helping to nurture generations of musicians.

Afrigo survived political upheavals, changing musical tastes and major transformations in Uganda’s entertainment industry.

Its music became part of Uganda’s cultural memory, while Matovu became recognised as one of the country’s leading bandleaders.

New Vision previously described Matovu as central to Afrigo’s contribution to Uganda’s music industry, noting his role in maintaining discipline, guiding the band and nurturing its members.

A legacy cut short by violence

For nearly six decades, Matovu’s life was intertwined with music. His death therefore represents more than the loss of an individual performer. It closes a chapter in the history of Uganda’s live-band era.

But the immediate concern for police is not only preserving his legacy but determining exactly how he died.

Was Matovu simply the victim of a random attack as initially suspected, or did a confrontation involving a woman precede the fatal assault?

Did he leave a woman’s home shortly before the incident, as some eyewitness accounts claim?

Who confronted him, and why?

These are among the questions investigators must now answer.

Until those questions are resolved, the claims surrounding the alleged girlfriend and her lover remain allegations rather than established facts.

For now, Uganda mourns a musician who spent five decades entertaining generations.

Matovu’s final performance came only hours before his death. By Thursday morning, the saxophone had fallen silent.

The man who helped build Afrigo Band into a national institution was gone — not after a long farewell from the stage, but in a violent incident that has left his fans demanding answers.

Police say investigations are continuing and that efforts are underway to identify and arrest those responsible.

His prominence comes after the President supposedly penned a hard-hitting letter to the Inspector General of Police (IGP), purportedly directing him to investigate and cause arrest of several `crooks` who purportedly swindled the golden `investors`. In the letter, titled “INTERVENTION IN A GOLD SCAM CASE” and addressed to IGP Abas Byakagaba, the President gives stun directives.

“I have got a letter dated the 29^th of June, 2026 from two gold buyers by the names of Gafar Ibrahim on telephone number…., and Nagi Muhammed. In this letter, they give a long story of how hundreds of thousands of Dollars were stolen from them by fraudsters whom they, later on, reported to a host of security personnel,” the President`s letter, who`s authenticity many have contested, begins.

President Museveni went on to name the security personnel above as “Nakalema” (Col. Edith Nakalema, the Senior Presidential Advisor on Anti-Corruption and Head of the State House Investors Protection Unit), “Isoke” (Brig. Gen. Henry Isoke, the Head of State House Anti-Corruption Unit), “Crime Intelligence” headed by General Christopher Ddamulira, “Police” headed by the very addressee, IGP Byakagaba and, surprisingly “CMI”, a defunct intelligence organ which the President himself dissolved and rebranded it to Defence Intelligence and Security (DIS), also referred to as the Directorate of Intelligence and Security.

“All these (above) have not helped them… This is therefore to direct you to personally oversee the investigation of this scam, apprehend these criminals and recover their money,” Not synonymous of him, the President this time accompanied his directives with an ultimatum. “I give you 2 months to solve this problem if the accusers are saying the truth.” The President copied the letter to all concerned parties, including Ibrahim Muhammed Gafar, whose copy was leaked to the media.

Whereas the President`s letter doesn’t mention Cohen, we, at The Investigator Publications (U) Limited, authoritatively established that he is the one who actually secured Gafar and Nagi to the Old Man with a Hat`s audience. Nevertheless, in this article, we elect to know the person of the `investor` who attracted the First Citizen`s attention and anger that even led to him suppressing his security personnel`s ability.

Who Is Carlos Cohen?       

Born on September 30^th 1978 in Angola, the now 48yr Old Cohen Ferreira Carlos Partricio, also referred to as Carlos Cohen, is son to Alipio Joaquim Ferreira and Celeste Cohen, both little-known Angolan citizens. However, for reasons yet to be established, Cohen is reportedly a Persona non grata back in his own country of origin. This could be the reason he`s also known as a Portuguese and or, an Israelite.

Purportedly running from Angola in the late 90s, Carlos Cohen supposedly found his new home in Portugal, where he became a citizen. However, records sourced from Portugal, and particularly at the Albufeira District Court (Tribunal Judicial de Albufeira), located on Rua do Município road in Albufeira District, Algarve Region, indicates that he has been fugitive and a wanted man back home for quite a long time, 20 years to be exact.

Here, he`s accused of three counts, all pointing at fraud, embezzlement and character assassination, as well as working around bringing his competitors down or out of business, but all through unlawful means. However, in 2006, police failed to locate him and hence, returned the arrest warrant back to Court where, it was put on hold until his arrest is secured, no matter when.

The Pending Charges to His Name

In Portugal, Carlos Cohen is accused of Unlawful Appropriation. For starters, an unlawful appropriation charge is a legal accusation that a person has intentionally and wrongfully taken, used, or kept property belonging to someone else without their consent. It is a broad legal term often used interchangeably with theft, embezzlement, or stealing, depending on the jurisdiction and how the property was originally obtained.

The second charge is Simple fraud (burla simples in Portuguese). This one, in Portugal, is set out in Article 217 of the Portuguese Penal Code. Its definition and Elements Core Action include tricking someone or causing error through clever deception, to get illegal money and or goods for oneself or someone else of the criminal mind`s choice.

The third charge is Document forgery. This, again in Portugal, is governed by Article 256 of the Portuguese Penal Code (Código Penal). It is under the classification of falsification or counterfeiting of documents, also known as Falsificação ou contrafacção de documento. It is a prohibited conduct and the law there harshly penalizes one for committing it.

The third charge above is slapped onto anyone who, with the intent to cause damage to another person or the State, obtain an illegitimate benefit, or facilitate another crime, engages in any of the following; Manufacturing or producing a false document or its components, falsifying or altering a genuine document, abusing another person’s signature to forge a document. All the above crimes, Carlos Cohen, committed back home in Portugal.

Sensing the sensitivity and gravity of the charges to his name, Cohen reportedly elected to jump the bail and fled the country for good. His supposed first stop was in Dubai. Like in Angola, he is on the run and still badly wanted in Portugal over the said charges whose particulars of offense, The Investigator pledges to unveil in these pages, in the subsiquent articles about the matter.

Jumps Bail, Charges Put On Hold Pending His Arrest   

Upon Cohen proving stubbornly elusive, Justice Dr. Patricia Malveiro, then Judge of the 2^nd Court of the Albufeira District Court ruled in the common trial number 451/00.0JAFAR, under NOTICE number 2467/2006, that the trial be suspended pending the defendant`s arrest. This was after Cohen was declared contumacious on May 18^th 2006 under article 335 of the Code of Criminal Procedure.

“The declaration of contumacy, which expires upon the defendant`s appearance in Court or arrest, has the following effects; 1- Suspending of the trial until the defendant`s appearance or arrest, 2- Nullity of patrimonial legal transactions entered into by the defendant after this declaration [and], 3- Prohibition on obtaining documents, including identity cards, drivers’ licences, passports and certificates,” reads Justice Dr. Patricia`s ruling on June 2^nd 2006.

For starters, Contumacy is a stubborn, wilful refusal to obey authority, a law, or a court order. In this case, Cohen`s intention of jumping the bail. From Portugal, Carlos Cohen allegedly ran and sought refuge in Dubai. From here, he would come to Uganda and deal in gold transactions that went bad at all trials. The last time, he reported a case at Entebbe Aviation Police (AVIPOL), claiming he had been reportedly swindled of gold worth USD1.6M.

However, as he helplessly loitered back in Dubai, a friend of his connected him to a Ugandan, a one Jordan Itungo. Then a 30yr long serving State House staff, Jordan Itungo offered the necessary help. Upon contacting Itungo, Cohen jumped on the next plane to Uganda. Here, Itungo did something for Cohen that he will regret to his grave…

Carlos Cohen The Ugandan:

Watch this space….

For contribution or any additions to this story, please contact the writer, strictly via WhatsApp +256752799909

The transaction, according to a statement made to police by Muhammad Ibrahim Abdullahi, a Nigerian national and diplomatic officer serving at the Nigerian High Commission in Kampala, involved a chain of meetings and introductions that included Uganda’s Second Deputy Mufti, Sheikh Dr. Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya. The account places the centre of the negotiations at Old Kampala Mosque, where the Deputy Mufti’s office reportedly became the starting point for discussions over the proposedgold deal purchase.

Whereas the statement does not establish that Sheikh Bukenya personally supplied or manufactured the counterfeit bars, the Deputy Mufti supposedly  introduced the Prince and his associates to people represented as legitimate gold dealers and later became involved in arrangements surrounding all the transactions.

The allegations remain subject to investigation and any persons accused of wrongdoing would be entitled to respond to them and to the presumption of innocence unless and until Court at City Hall determines otherwise.

A trusted introduction

According to Abdullahi’s statement, the events began in early August 2026 when he and a Nigerian medical doctor, also a staff with Mulago Hospital, a one Dr. Sadique, sought to source genuine gold. Sadique, the statement says, knew Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya and had previously been contacted by him concerning gold issues.

The Deputy Mufti allegedly represented that he knew legitimate gold sellers and had a licence relating to gold transactions. That representation, according to Abdullahi, gave the prospective buyers confidence that they were dealing with people, including a respected and trustworth Mufti, who could provide genuine gold.

Abdullahi says him and Sadique subsequently met Sheikh Bukenya at Old Kampala Mosque, where they discussed the sourcing of gold. The Deputy Mufti allegedly confirmed that he had access to legitimate sellers and proposed that the Nigerians work with him and his business associates. But the first attempt quickly ran into trouble.

According to the statement, the first person presented as a seller produced what appeared to be gold but was subsequently considered counterfeit. The proposed transaction consequently collapsed. Rather than ending the search, however, the failed deal was followed by another approach.

Mufti Again Featres with a Second Seller

Abdullahi says that several days later, Sheikh Bukenya contacted Sadique again and claimed that he had found another person who possessed genuine gold. This time, the transaction was allegedly presented as urgent. Muhammad Kwaido, the earlier mentioned complainant and a brother to Abdullahi, attended a subsequent meeting at the Deputy Mufti’s office along with Dr. Sadique.

It was there, according to the statement, that Sheikh Bukenya introduced them to his associate, a man identified as Muzamiru, together with another person presented as the gold seller. Muzamiru has since been arrested and remanded. He was also identfied as Mufti Bukenya`s Personal Assistant. The participants discussed the proposed purchase, including the price, testing arrangements, processing and the procedure for completing the transaction.

The Deal Location Changes Repeatedly

Initially, the transaction was to take place at the Deputy Mufti’s office. Abdullahi says Sheikh Bukenya later changed the proposed location to a restaurant near the Gaddafi Mosque, explaining that his office lacked the electrical power socket required for the intended procedure. Gaddafi is the seat of Isilam faith in Uganda.

The Mufti supposedly suggested that the smelting of the gold could, if necessary, even be conducted from the restaurant at the Mosque. But the restaurant also proved unsuitable! According to the statement, the purported sellers considered the location too open and proposed moving the operation to Nureen Enterprises Ltd, a supposed smelting company of their choice.

The Refinery and the Three Bars

The group then proceeded to Nureen Enterprises in the outskirts of the Capital Kampala.  The people present at the refinery, according to Abdullahi, included Sheikh Bukenya, Muhammad Kwaido, Muzamiru, Dr. Sadique, Abdullahi himself and the person presented as the seller. They all waited for about two hours for the purported seller’s partners, a man and a woman, to arrive with the gold.

Eventually, the pair arrived carrying a bag with three bars purported to be gold. The transaction now entered a more technical stage. The parties were told that USD300 was required for smelting and testing the three bars. According to Abdullahi, they were assured that the money paid for testing and smelting would be refunded once the transaction was completed.

At that stage, Abdullahi says, he had no reason to suspect that the bars were fake. He says he relied on the representations of the people presenting the bars as genuine gold, the testing and processing procedures taking place at the refinery and, importantly, the confidence he placed in the people who had introduced the sellers, in particular Sheikh Bukenya and his associate Muzamiru. Following the testing and other arrangements, the purported sellers handed over a locked black toolbox containing the three bars.

The Payment

The group then left the refinery. According to Abdullahi, he temporarily held the locked toolbox as the group travelled in the Deputy Mufti’s vehicle to an area near the Nigerian High Commission. It was at this point that the payment mechanism allegedly changed from an ordinary cash or banking transaction, to cryptocurrency.

Sheikh Bukenya, the sellers and Muzamiru reportedly informed the buyers that payment would be made in USDT, a cryptocurrency commonly used for dollar-denominated transactions. Muzamiru was reportedly instructed to contact a USDT agent who could receive the money.

Abdullahi says the Nigerians contacted a forex agent known to them as Aminu and arranged for  the USD288,000 to be sent to the USDT agent introduced by the other side. The payment was eventually made. For the buyers, the transaction appeared to have been completed. But the most consequential part of the deal was yet to come.

The Gold Fails a Second Examination

After payment, Muhammad Kwaido proceeded with arrangements for documentation and the proposed exportation of the purported gold. It was during further examination and testing required before the gold could be documented and exported that the transaction unravelled. The three bars were subjected to additional testing.

According to Abdullahi’s statement, the results showed that they were not genuine gold bars. Instead, the bars were found to consist of steel or another base metal coated or plated with gold. The discovery transformed what had appeared to be a completed multimillion-shilling transaction into a case of sophisticated deception. The buyer had paid for three bars that were allegedly counterfeit.

The race back to the Deputy Mufti’s office

The discovery triggered an immediate attempt to confront those involved. Abdullahi says he and Kwaido contacted Sadique and went directly to Sheikh Bukenya’s office at Gadaffi Mosque. They informed the Deputy Mufti that the purported gold had failed the additional examination and showed him the bars.

The two Nigerians sought his intervention, according to the statement, because of what they described as his involvement in the transaction and because he had introduced Muzamiru as his business partner. In addition, Dr. Bukenya had earlier informed them how he had personally sourced the sellers from DR Congo and that they were in Uganda on his invitation and expense, hence the earlier mentioned urgency the transaction required.

That relationship, the statement suggests, was central to the confidence the prospective buyers placed in the deal. Abdullahi nevertheless makes a deliberate distinction about his own role. He says he was neither the owner, purchaser nor seller of the purported gold and did not introduce Kwaido to the individuals who presented themselves as sellers.

The Mysterious USD5,800

Beyond the headline figure of USD288,000, Abdullahi’s statement raises questions about smaller sums allegedly exchanged before the main payment. He says he was informed that the buyer had already given Sheikh Bukenya US$2,800 in connection with the transaction. He further says Sadique told him that he and the Deputy Mufti had added another USD3,000, allegedly calculated at US$1,000 per kilogramme. Together, the amounts were said to total TO USD5,800.

According to the statement, this amount was to be divided among four people, with each person receiving USD1,450. There was also reportedly a request for an additional USD3,000 from the buyer. Abdullahi says he communicated that request to Kwaido. But after the discovery of the counterfeit gold, he says he returned the USD2,400 he had personally received, to the buyer. The statement does not, by itself, establish the ultimate whereabouts or disposition of all the other funds allegedly paid in connection with the transaction.

Why the Deputy Mufti’s Role Matters

The most sensitive element of the allegations is not simply the counterfeit gold. It is the role allegedly played by a senior religious figure in bringing the parties together. Abdullahi repeatedly emphasises the trust attached to Sheikh Bukenya’s position. In his concluding remarks, he says the discussions concerning the transaction took place at the Deputy Mufti’s office and that those involved believed him to be a person of high integrity because of his position and status.

That confidence, if the account is substantiated, would have been a crucial element in the transaction. For the buyers, the presence and involvement of a senior religious leader allegedly gave credibility to people they did not otherwise know. The central question for investigators, therefore, is whether Sheikh Bukenya was simply an intermediary who was himself deceived by purported gold sellers, or whether he knew, or should have known, that the transaction was fraudulent. Remember he fully owned them before the buyer as his visitors from DR Congo.

A Transaction that Moved Through Trusted Spaces

The chronology described in the statement is striking. The prospective buyers were first brought into contact with the alleged sellers through discussions at Old Kampala Mosque. The transaction was then considered at the Deputy Mufti’s office. It was moved to a restaurant around Gaddafi Mosque.

From there, the parties went to a chosen smelting company, where they waited for the purported sellers’ associates to arrive with the three bars. After the purported gold was handed over, the group travelled in the Deputy Mufti’s vehicle to an area near the Nigerian High Commission. Payment was then made through a USDT arrangement.

Only after the buyer began the process of documenting and exporting the gold did additional testing expose the bars as counterfeit. It is this sequence that gives the allegations their extraordinary character. A transaction worth nearly three hundred thousand US Dollars  allegedly passed through a series of locations and intermediaries before the product was ultimately exposed as fake.

Questions Investigators will Have to Answer

As the matter proceeds to a full criminal investigation, several questions become central. Who supplied the three bars? The statement refers to a man and a woman who allegedly arrived with the purported gold, as well as the person initially presented as the seller. Establishing their identities and tracing their movements could be critical.

Who owned the gold, or knew where it came from? Investigators would need to establish the chain of custody of the three bars before they reached Nureen Enterprises. What did the refinery’s first tests actually establish? The statement says the bars underwent testing and processing before payment. Investigators will need to examine what tests were conducted, what their results were and whether the procedures could have been manipulated.

The, Who received the USD288,000? The money was reportedly sent in USDT to an agent introduced by the other side. Tracing the digital wallet addresses, intermediary accounts and eventual beneficiaries could provide an important financial trail.

What was the purpose of the additional payments? The alleged USD2,800, USD3,000 contribution and subsequent request for another USD3,000 will also require clarification. What exactly was the relationship between Sheikh Bukenya and Muzamiru? Abdullahi says Muzamiru was introduced as the Deputy Mufti’s business partner. Investigators would need to establish the nature of that relationship and whether it extended to the gold transaction. Did anyone know the bars were counterfeit before the payment was made? This may ultimately be the most important question.

The presumption of innocence

The allegations contained in Abdullahi’s statement are serious, but an allegation is not proof of criminal liability. The statement represents the account of one participant in the transaction and in our subsquent series, we shall test against the evidence of other participants, transaction records, communications, refinery records, CCTV footage, cryptocurrency transfers and forensic examination of the bars.

Sheikh Hafidh Muhammad Harunah Bukenya and the other people mentioned in the statement definitely have the right to provide their accounts of what happened. Surprisingly, in one of the clips before our desk, the Mufti of Uganda, Sheikh Ramathan Mubajje is seen on the table, supposedly as a reconcilliator after the bad deal. His statement too, will be sought for our better reporting of the matter.

For investigators, the task is to determine whether this was a case of criminals exploiting the reputation and connections of an influential religious figure, or whether the Deputy Mufti himself played a knowing role in a deliberate scheme to defraud the Nigerian buyer. For Muhammad Kwaido, however, the immediate reality was stark. Three bars that had been represented as gold were allegedly worthless base metal beneath a thin covering of gold. And US$288,000 had already changed hands!

In a wide-range interview with The Investigator last night, Brig. Gen. Henry Isoke, the head of SHACU, rejects suggestions that the unit has been inactive or that ministers are taking over its mandate. He says the current crackdown is the product of cooperation between government institutions, with SHACU providing intelligence, investigations and follow-up while ministers exercise their administrative and political mandates.

The interview comes against the backdrop of a nationwide anti-corruption campaign led by Minister Barugahara and his deputy Justine Nameere, which has seen inspections of local government institutions, investigations ordered against officials, and a growing number of interdictions.

The campaign has so far covered districts including Moyo, Maracha, Pakwach, Mbale, Namisindwa, Bulambuli, Isingiro, Sembabule, Mitooma, Mbarara, Fort Portal, Rakai and Masaka. By August 18^th, reports indicated that 110 local government employees were facing disciplinary action over allegations ranging from ghost beneficiaries and procurement irregularities, to misuse of public funds, absenteeism and poorly implemented projects.

In Jinja, Barugahara ordered the Chief Administrative Officer, Lilian Nakamatte, to step aside and directed SHACU and the Inspectorate of Government to investigate allegations of financial mismanagement, procurement concerns and maladministration.

The campaign has also resulted in interdictions in Mitooma, Isingiro, Buhweju and other districts. In Ankole alone, at least 26 officials were reported to be facing interdiction following recommendations for SHACU to facilitate investigations. At Buhweju, SHACU conducted investigations into several senior officials, while separate inquiries were ordered into alleged misuse of road funds. The two ministers have repeatedly insisted that the campaign is intended to restore accountability and improve service delivery.

The Ministry of Local Government says their inspections, follow-ups and interventions are part of President Yoweri Museveni’s renewed anti-corruption drive. However, the campaign has also attracted calls for caution. The Deputy Inspector General of Government, Dr Patricia Achan Okiria, recently advised the ministers to ensure that their operations remain within the law and respect due process.

Against this background, Brig Gen Isoke spoke to The Investigator about the origins and mandate of SHACU, its record, the role of ministers in the current crackdown, allegations of selective arrests and the money the unit says it has saved for the government.

The Investigator: Gen Isoke, elaborate on the mandate of the State House Anti-Corruption Unit since its creation in 2018.

Brig Gen Henery Isoke: As you may be aware, it is the executive duty and responsibility of the President of Uganda, Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, to ensure that the State is running efficiently. Corruption has been a great concern of the President right from the five-year protracted bush war. Fighting corruption is among the top priorities of the NRM government. In fact, it is Point number seven of the ten-point programme.

After the war, it was not a bed of roses because other parts of the country were not fully liberated. Northern Uganda, Eastern Uganda, West Nile and some parts of Western Uganda remained volatile. Because the President and his government were preoccupied with many other issues, including uniting and liberating the other parts of the country, vices such as corruption received less attention.

When the country was finally liberated, the President turned his attention to other challenges, corruption being one of the diseases for which he sought mechanisms to combat. Institutions such as the Criminal Investigations Directorate, the institutions responsible for ethics and integrity, and the Inspectorate of Government became more visible after the NRA had fully liberated the country.

These anti-corruption agencies converge under the Inter-Agency Forum. Our operations are coordinated to avoid duplication of roles. We meet, plan our work and consult each other. Uganda has made significant efforts in fighting corruption through institutional and legal frameworks, government policies and the commitment of the President towards zero tolerance to corruption.

Despite these efforts, Uganda continues to feature in global and regional reports as a country affected by corruption. It is against this background that the President, acting under Article 99(4) of the Constitution, established the State House Anti-Corruption Unit on December 10th 2018. The unit was created to coordinate citizens’ corruption complaints to the Presidency with the population and constitutionally mandated agencies, with a view to obtaining speedy resolution of those complaints. Therefore, our core mandate is to help the President fight all forms of corruption and corruption tendencies.

The Investigator: What is the strength of SHACU and how do your officers execute their work?

Gen Henery Isoke: Our human resource is very minimal. We are not more than 30. To be precise, we are 25 and all of us are housed here at headquarters. We do not have regional offices. What we do is consult with sister agencies that have regional presence.

We receive a lot of communication from Resident District Commissioners, District Police Commanders and regional officers of the Inspectorate of Government. The fact that we are limited in numbers does not mean we have fallen short of our mandate. The team I lead is highly motivated. They are cadres and patriots motivated by the desire to serve Uganda. Our budget is also very small, but we have not failed to execute our mandate.

We have a 24-hour call center programmed in all languages of Uganda. Our officers are always available to receive queries from all parts of the country, from Kabale to Kotido. Besides the call center, we have a clients’ relations desk here. As you have witnessed, our front desk is one of the busiest in Kampala. Our front desk manager receives everyone who walks in with a complaint or any other issue. Indeed, we are more agile, faster and swifter.

The Investigator: Give us some figures. How many corruption cases has SHACU handled since its inception?

Gen Henery Isoke: The cases are so many. This is my fourth year here. Since this unit was formed, it has handled more than 800,000 cases. We have arraigned about 900 suspects in court and secured 165 convictions. Those arraigned include public servants, who represent about 55 per cent, while private-sector workers, mostly engineers and lawyers, represent about 45 per cent. Most of the cases we have handled are land-related, accounting for about 31 per cent.

The Investigator: Why is Local Government Minister Balaam Barugahara doing something that your unit should have done long ago? Some members of the public think SHACU is doing nothing.

Gen Henery Isoke: It is not correct to say that Hon Balaam is doing our job. As I have said before, we are working as a team. Following a directive by the President, Balaam responded very fast because the Local Government Ministry has a lot of corruption tendencies. Balaam is moving swiftly to clean the ministry, and that is a very big action. He is using our intelligence. Indeed, he moves where we have already conducted intelligence. We have strategized this with him and we are not complaining. It is us who make the arrests and follow up on the cases.

Hon Balaam is like any other Ugandan mandated to remain vigilant. He is acting within his mandate, and we give him all the support required. That ministry is too rotten, and most of the cases are perpetuated by technocrats. The current operation has therefore not been a competition between SHACU and the Ministry of Local Government. It is a coordinated effort.

The Investigator: People claim you have not done anything tangible since your appointment. How do you respond to Ugandans who say they have not felt your ‘tsunami’?

Gen Henery Isoke: I am not a media person. I am more comfortable working in the background. Given the nature of my training, most people may not see my face. We work very tirelessly in the background. We do not show off while executing our duties. That is how we were prepared for the job. Many people have different methods of work. I don’t subscribe to the culture of showing off. I prefer my actions to speak for my work.

For example, SHACU under my leadership did great work during the infamous mabaati investigations, arrests and eventual prosecutions. We looked at the files one by one and, based on our recommendations, action was taken, including arrests and prosecutions. In government, personal assistants can do a lot of the donkey work. That is one reason you may not see a ministers arrested. These ministers and the so-called `big fish` are sharp. Many of them do not leave behind trails of their wrongdoing. They use other people. That is why in many cases the small fish is the one that gets hooked because everything can be traced to them.

The Investigator: We have been approached by our readers complaining about selective arrests. What is your response?

Gen Henery Isoke: No one is big. We do not leave any stone unturned. In fact, we have arrested several top officials. But as I explained earlier, most top officials, including ministers, do not necessarily leave a trail showing their personal involvement in wrongdoing. They use their subordinates. Most personal assistants are therefore not safe. Our work is to follow the evidence. Whoever is implicated by the evidence must answer.

The Investigator: Brig Gen Moses Lukyamuzi, the head of the State House Land Protection Unit, has recently come under scrutiny, with some readers alleging that he abets land grabbing. Does SHACU have the mandate to bring him and his associates to book?

Gen Henery Isoke: No one is above the law, me inclusive. Anyone who has involved themselves in wrongdoing must answer for their crimes. We follow leads. If anyone has a trace of corruption, they are free to visit our offices and report. The principle is simple: nobody should be protected because of their position. However, our cause of action is always prompted by evidence, not assumptions.

The Investigator: In figures, how much money has SHACU helped to save for the country since you started your mission?

Gen Henery Isoke: We have so far recovered or saved UGX700 billion. Of this amount, under my tenure, we have saved over UGX500 billion. We have also managed to save UGX9 billion since the nationwide Local Government operation by Hon Balaam started, and we are seeing more money being saved.

The Investigator: Finally, what should Ugandans expect from SHACU as the Local Government crackdown continues?

Gen Henery Isoke: Ugandans should expect more action. The fight against corruption cannot be won by one institution. SHACU, the Inspectorate of Government, police, ministries, local governments and other accountability institutions have different responsibilities. But we must work together. The President’s message has been very clear; public resources must serve the people.

Our role is to receive complaints, gather intelligence, investigate and coordinate with the relevant agencies so that cases are resolved. We may not always be visible, but that does not mean we are not working. The work is continuous. And where there is evidence of wrongdoing, nobody should expect to be protected because of their office, rank or connections.