In a wide-range interview with The Investigator last night, Brig. Gen. Henry Isoke, the head of SHACU, rejects suggestions that the unit has been inactive or that ministers are taking over its mandate. He says the current crackdown is the product of cooperation between government institutions, with SHACU providing intelligence, investigations and follow-up while ministers exercise their administrative and political mandates.

The interview comes against the backdrop of a nationwide anti-corruption campaign led by Minister Barugahara and his deputy Justine Nameere, which has seen inspections of local government institutions, investigations ordered against officials, and a growing number of interdictions.

The campaign has so far covered districts including Moyo, Maracha, Pakwach, Mbale, Namisindwa, Bulambuli, Isingiro, Sembabule, Mitooma, Mbarara, Fort Portal, Rakai and Masaka. By August 18^th, reports indicated that 110 local government employees were facing disciplinary action over allegations ranging from ghost beneficiaries and procurement irregularities, to misuse of public funds, absenteeism and poorly implemented projects.

In Jinja, Barugahara ordered the Chief Administrative Officer, Lilian Nakamatte, to step aside and directed SHACU and the Inspectorate of Government to investigate allegations of financial mismanagement, procurement concerns and maladministration.

The campaign has also resulted in interdictions in Mitooma, Isingiro, Buhweju and other districts. In Ankole alone, at least 26 officials were reported to be facing interdiction following recommendations for SHACU to facilitate investigations. At Buhweju, SHACU conducted investigations into several senior officials, while separate inquiries were ordered into alleged misuse of road funds. The two ministers have repeatedly insisted that the campaign is intended to restore accountability and improve service delivery.

The Ministry of Local Government says their inspections, follow-ups and interventions are part of President Yoweri Museveni’s renewed anti-corruption drive. However, the campaign has also attracted calls for caution. The Deputy Inspector General of Government, Dr Patricia Achan Okiria, recently advised the ministers to ensure that their operations remain within the law and respect due process.

Against this background, Brig Gen Isoke spoke to The Investigator about the origins and mandate of SHACU, its record, the role of ministers in the current crackdown, allegations of selective arrests and the money the unit says it has saved for the government.

The Investigator: Gen Isoke, elaborate on the mandate of the State House Anti-Corruption Unit since its creation in 2018.

Brig Gen Henery Isoke: As you may be aware, it is the executive duty and responsibility of the President of Uganda, Gen Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, to ensure that the State is running efficiently. Corruption has been a great concern of the President right from the five-year protracted bush war. Fighting corruption is among the top priorities of the NRM government. In fact, it is Point number seven of the ten-point programme.

After the war, it was not a bed of roses because other parts of the country were not fully liberated. Northern Uganda, Eastern Uganda, West Nile and some parts of Western Uganda remained volatile. Because the President and his government were preoccupied with many other issues, including uniting and liberating the other parts of the country, vices such as corruption received less attention.

When the country was finally liberated, the President turned his attention to other challenges, corruption being one of the diseases for which he sought mechanisms to combat. Institutions such as the Criminal Investigations Directorate, the institutions responsible for ethics and integrity, and the Inspectorate of Government became more visible after the NRA had fully liberated the country.

These anti-corruption agencies converge under the Inter-Agency Forum. Our operations are coordinated to avoid duplication of roles. We meet, plan our work and consult each other. Uganda has made significant efforts in fighting corruption through institutional and legal frameworks, government policies and the commitment of the President towards zero tolerance to corruption.

Despite these efforts, Uganda continues to feature in global and regional reports as a country affected by corruption. It is against this background that the President, acting under Article 99(4) of the Constitution, established the State House Anti-Corruption Unit on December 10th 2018. The unit was created to coordinate citizens’ corruption complaints to the Presidency with the population and constitutionally mandated agencies, with a view to obtaining speedy resolution of those complaints. Therefore, our core mandate is to help the President fight all forms of corruption and corruption tendencies.

The Investigator: What is the strength of SHACU and how do your officers execute their work?

Gen Henery Isoke: Our human resource is very minimal. We are not more than 30. To be precise, we are 25 and all of us are housed here at headquarters. We do not have regional offices. What we do is consult with sister agencies that have regional presence.

We receive a lot of communication from Resident District Commissioners, District Police Commanders and regional officers of the Inspectorate of Government. The fact that we are limited in numbers does not mean we have fallen short of our mandate. The team I lead is highly motivated. They are cadres and patriots motivated by the desire to serve Uganda. Our budget is also very small, but we have not failed to execute our mandate.

We have a 24-hour call center programmed in all languages of Uganda. Our officers are always available to receive queries from all parts of the country, from Kabale to Kotido. Besides the call center, we have a clients’ relations desk here. As you have witnessed, our front desk is one of the busiest in Kampala. Our front desk manager receives everyone who walks in with a complaint or any other issue. Indeed, we are more agile, faster and swifter.

The Investigator: Give us some figures. How many corruption cases has SHACU handled since its inception?

Gen Henery Isoke: The cases are so many. This is my fourth year here. Since this unit was formed, it has handled more than 800,000 cases. We have arraigned about 900 suspects in court and secured 165 convictions. Those arraigned include public servants, who represent about 55 per cent, while private-sector workers, mostly engineers and lawyers, represent about 45 per cent. Most of the cases we have handled are land-related, accounting for about 31 per cent.

The Investigator: Why is Local Government Minister Balaam Barugahara doing something that your unit should have done long ago? Some members of the public think SHACU is doing nothing.

Gen Henery Isoke: It is not correct to say that Hon Balaam is doing our job. As I have said before, we are working as a team. Following a directive by the President, Balaam responded very fast because the Local Government Ministry has a lot of corruption tendencies. Balaam is moving swiftly to clean the ministry, and that is a very big action. He is using our intelligence. Indeed, he moves where we have already conducted intelligence. We have strategized this with him and we are not complaining. It is us who make the arrests and follow up on the cases.

Hon Balaam is like any other Ugandan mandated to remain vigilant. He is acting within his mandate, and we give him all the support required. That ministry is too rotten, and most of the cases are perpetuated by technocrats. The current operation has therefore not been a competition between SHACU and the Ministry of Local Government. It is a coordinated effort.

The Investigator: People claim you have not done anything tangible since your appointment. How do you respond to Ugandans who say they have not felt your ‘tsunami’?

Gen Henery Isoke: I am not a media person. I am more comfortable working in the background. Given the nature of my training, most people may not see my face. We work very tirelessly in the background. We do not show off while executing our duties. That is how we were prepared for the job. Many people have different methods of work. I don’t subscribe to the culture of showing off. I prefer my actions to speak for my work.

For example, SHACU under my leadership did great work during the infamous mabaati investigations, arrests and eventual prosecutions. We looked at the files one by one and, based on our recommendations, action was taken, including arrests and prosecutions. In government, personal assistants can do a lot of the donkey work. That is one reason you may not see a ministers arrested. These ministers and the so-called `big fish` are sharp. Many of them do not leave behind trails of their wrongdoing. They use other people. That is why in many cases the small fish is the one that gets hooked because everything can be traced to them.

The Investigator: We have been approached by our readers complaining about selective arrests. What is your response?

Gen Henery Isoke: No one is big. We do not leave any stone unturned. In fact, we have arrested several top officials. But as I explained earlier, most top officials, including ministers, do not necessarily leave a trail showing their personal involvement in wrongdoing. They use their subordinates. Most personal assistants are therefore not safe. Our work is to follow the evidence. Whoever is implicated by the evidence must answer.

The Investigator: Brig Gen Moses Lukyamuzi, the head of the State House Land Protection Unit, has recently come under scrutiny, with some readers alleging that he abets land grabbing. Does SHACU have the mandate to bring him and his associates to book?

Gen Henery Isoke: No one is above the law, me inclusive. Anyone who has involved themselves in wrongdoing must answer for their crimes. We follow leads. If anyone has a trace of corruption, they are free to visit our offices and report. The principle is simple: nobody should be protected because of their position. However, our cause of action is always prompted by evidence, not assumptions.

The Investigator: In figures, how much money has SHACU helped to save for the country since you started your mission?

Gen Henery Isoke: We have so far recovered or saved UGX700 billion. Of this amount, under my tenure, we have saved over UGX500 billion. We have also managed to save UGX9 billion since the nationwide Local Government operation by Hon Balaam started, and we are seeing more money being saved.

The Investigator: Finally, what should Ugandans expect from SHACU as the Local Government crackdown continues?

Gen Henery Isoke: Ugandans should expect more action. The fight against corruption cannot be won by one institution. SHACU, the Inspectorate of Government, police, ministries, local governments and other accountability institutions have different responsibilities. But we must work together. The President’s message has been very clear; public resources must serve the people.

Our role is to receive complaints, gather intelligence, investigate and coordinate with the relevant agencies so that cases are resolved. We may not always be visible, but that does not mean we are not working. The work is continuous. And where there is evidence of wrongdoing, nobody should expect to be protected because of their office, rank or connections.

The row began this morning after Magogo criticised Ugandans who openly promote and follow European football leagues while domestic competitions struggle to attract comparable audiences, sponsorship and commercial investment.

But Kasingye, a retired Assistant Inspector General of Police and a member of SC Villa’s executive, fired back, accusing the FUFA president of shifting blame to football fans instead of addressing what he described as failures in the promotion and management of the local game.

The exchange quickly escalated, with Magogo challenging Kasingye to a televised debate and Kasingye rejecting the invitation, citing a previous confrontation between the two men.

Magogo: Stop Promoting Foreign Leagues

Magogo argued that the popularity of foreign football comes at the expense of Ugandan clubs. He said foreign leagues should be regarded as competing products and questioned how a publicist of a major Ugandan club could simultaneously promote European football.

“I want to invite you for a TV programme. You can choose the moderator and we debate why I find it wrong in promotion of the league that a publicist of one of the biggest clubs also promotes foreign leagues,” Magogo wrote.

He insisted that his argument was not about the wider problems facing Ugandan football, but specifically about the promotion of foreign competitions by people who are expected to champion local clubs.

“Take it or leave it, the foreign leagues are an alternative product of Ugandan club football. We can’t promote it and also believe the Ugandan product will grow,” he said.

Magogo compared the situation to competition between major consumer brands. “Coca-Cola will not promote Pepsi but will learn from its good practices,” he argued.

He then directly challenged Kasingye to explain how his promotion of European football benefits SC Villa. “Please justify how your promotion of European leagues helps promote SC Villa as its publicist,” Magogo said.

The FUFA president also accused Kasingye of using his large following on X to confuse the debate rather than mobilise supporters for SC Villa. “We need your large X following to be mobilized for SC Villa. You confuse us,” he said.

Kasingye: “Listen to Our Views”

Kasingye refused to be drawn into what he described as a debate on Magogo’s terms. He questioned whether appearing on FUFA TV would provide a neutral platform for the discussion.

“You want to debate me on TV? Really? Am I now worthy of your audience?” Kasingye responded. He recalled a 2022 incident in which Magogo called a press conference at Imperial Royale Hotel and said he had been embarrassed before journalists.

“In 2022, you called a press conference at Imperial Royale & embarrassed me before journalists. Then you dismissed them,” Kasingye wrote.

According to Kasingye, he had requested that journalists be allowed to hear his side of the story but his request was rejected.

“I requested you to allow the press come in so that they can listen to my side too. You ignored,” he said. Kasingye has therefore rejected Magogo’s proposal for a debate on FUFA’s platform.

“Now, you want to debate me on FUFA TV? You think I am interested in your chair? Forget it,” he said. Instead, he has urged FUFA to listen to criticism from football stakeholders.

“Listen to our views. If you don’t find them worthy, dismiss them as so. If you find credit, implement them,” Kasingye said.

The Arsenal-SC Villa Question

At the heart of Magogo’s criticism is Kasingye’s simultaneous support for Arsenal and SC Villa. Kasingye acknowledged that he follows Arsenal while also supporting the Ugandan club where he serves on the executive. “If however, you feel that I should stop supporting Arsenal because I also support SC Villa & work on executive, you know who to call so that he can fire me,” he said.

His response reflected a broader argument made by several fans—that following international football should not automatically be interpreted as opposition to domestic football.

Supporters argued that Ugandans can enjoy the English Premier League and other European competitions while simultaneously supporting local clubs.

“Your Incompetence!”

The confrontation became particularly sharp when Kasingye accused Magogo of avoiding wider questions about Ugandan football.

Earlier, he had questioned why FUFA had not been communicating sufficiently with Ugandans about the state of the domestic game and preparations for the 2027 Africa Cup of Nations.

“If it wasn’t for my response, you wouldn’t have talked about this matter in a federation you lead,” Kasingye said. “In fact, I haven’t heard you in a long time talking about local football.”

He questioned the level of communication surrounding AFCON 2027, which Uganda will co-host with Kenya and Tanzania.

“We’ve not been talking about the foreign leagues since June but neither have we heard FUFA talking about the direction of local football including AFCON 2027,” he added.

Kasingye further questioned Uganda’s preparedness for the continental tournament. “AFCON is near the corner, & you can drop a pin & it will be louder than you telling Ugandans about what’s happening or going to happen about it,” he said. He also criticised FUFA’s communication during Uganda’s World Cup campaign. “World Cup came & went & we didn’t hear you,” Kasingye said.

His strongest attack came when he accused Magogo of blaming foreign leagues for problems that he believes should be addressed by football administrators.

“Somehow, the foreign leagues must be blamed instead of your incompetence. Come on, we’re mature people. Give up & let someone who can overturn this conundrum come up,” Kasingye said.

David Owori Murder Deepens the Anger

The death of SC Villa captain David Owori became another flashpoint in the dispute. Owori was killed during a robbery incident in Kampala, shocking the football community and prompting questions about the safety and welfare of players. Kasingye questioned Magogo’s response to the tragedy, accusing him of failing to attend Owori’s burial and of not holding a subsequent press conference. “A player was murdered. I didn’t hear a single word from you. You didn’t even attend burial. You sent a representative but you even failed to call for a press conference later,” Kasingye said.

For the SC Villa spokesperson, the episode illustrated what he considers to be a failure by football leadership to stand with clubs, players and supporters at critical moments.

“Leadership must stand with players, clubs and fans during difficult moments,” he said.

Fans Reject the “Foreign Football” Argument

Several football followers joined the debate, arguing that Magogo’s position places too much responsibility on supporters.

Seasoned sports journalist Mark Namanya compared football to music, arguing that Ugandans should not be forced to choose between local and international entertainment.

“At the risk of turning my voice hoarse, you can’t stop me from enjoying music by Peabo Bryson because you want me to drop it for A-Pass. It is possible to enjoy both,” Namanya wrote. Mutebi Alex Kato was even more direct. “If someone chooses to watch the EPL over the Ugandan league, it’s a product issue. Put out a better product,” he said.

The argument was echoed by other fans who said supporters naturally gravitate towards competitions that offer superior football, facilities, broadcasting, marketing and match-day experiences.

One contributor, Bright Lee, told Magogo that fans could not be blamed for following competitions they enjoy. “You can’t blame fans for supporting what they really like. A lot that’s happening in Ugandan football actually forces most football fans to seek refuge in European clubs,” he wrote.

Marketing Becomes a Major Battleground

The debate also exposed concerns about the marketing of the Uganda Premier League. Lule Hassan argued that local football needed a deliberate and professional marketing strategy.

“Marketing the UPL should be taken seriously and intentional. The game in Ug isn’t marketed enough, first to the locals and then internationally. Unfortunately, clubs can’t do this alone,” he said. Magogo responded by asking him to define what he meant by marketing. “What do you mean by marketing?” the FUFA president asked. The exchange underscored one of the central questions facing Ugandan football: whether the domestic game has been sufficiently packaged to compete for the attention of fans who can watch some of the world’s biggest leagues on television and digital platforms.

Grassroots Football Under Scrutiny

The argument subsequently moved beyond the top flight. David Keneta Dronyi called for greater support for grassroots and lower-division clubs, arguing that the foundation of Ugandan football is struggling.

“Fund clubs, most especially grassroots football, most especially clubs in lower divisions,” he said. He questioned how smaller clubs could survive while dealing with registration costs, referee payments and other expenses without adequate support.

Magogo challenged the argument by asking whether the Tanzanian federation pays the costs of clubs in the same manner being demanded in Uganda.

The exchange reflected a wider disagreement about the responsibility of FUFA, clubs, sponsors and government in financing football development.

Fans Question Magogo’s Record

The confrontation also reopened old grievances about Magogo’s tenure. One contributor, R. Abdul Karim, referred to previous disputes involving club owners and former football administrators, accusing Magogo of fighting several clubs and personalities. Those allegations were made on social media and were not independently substantiated in the exchange.

Another fan, Simon Sharp, questioned whether lessons from Magogo’s visit to Manchester United’s Old Trafford had translated into meaningful improvements in Ugandan football infrastructure.

“African football can learn from European football without simply trying to suppress interest in it,” another contributor argued.

Others questioned Magogo’s comparison between European leagues and Uganda’s domestic competitions, saying the two products operate at vastly different financial and sporting levels.

“Those two are equal heavyweights. You can’t compare any team in your league to a European team,” one user wrote in response to Magogo’s Coca-Cola-Pepsi analogy.

“Use Foreign Football to Build Local Football” Not everyone agreed that foreign football should be treated as an enemy.

Joash Marcus pointed to Rwanda’s partnerships with major European clubs as an example of how the global football industry could be used to strengthen domestic football.

“Kagame’s partnerships with major European clubs show that foreign football can be strategically leveraged to strengthen, rather than replace, domestic football,” he wrote.

His argument was that Uganda could use the popularity of European football to create international partnerships, improve standards, attract investment and expose local players and clubs to better systems.

Calls for Magogo to Change Strategy

Some fans acknowledged Magogo’s contribution to Ugandan football but argued that the federation needs a fresh approach. Kakande Chrispus said Magogo had made significant contributions but should consider succession.

“No doubt, you have done good for this game in Uganda, just like Dr Lawrence also did good,” he wrote. He suggested that Magogo could identify and support a successor who would preserve the gains of his administration while introducing new ideas.

The Real Battle: The Product

At the centre of the increasingly bitter exchange is a fundamental disagreement over responsibility.

Magogo’s position is that local football cannot grow without local support. More spectators mean greater gate collections, sponsorship opportunities, commercial value and resources for clubs to improve.

Kasingye and his supporters counter that fans are consumers. They will follow a product that gives them quality football, good facilities, reliable organisation, compelling marketing and an enjoyable match-day experience. The two positions are not necessarily mutually exclusive.

Ugandan football needs supporters, but supporters also need reasons to support it.

The explosive Magogo-Kasingye exchange has therefore exposed a much deeper problem than the popularity of European football. It has raised questions about FUFA’s communication, the marketing of the Uganda Premier League, grassroots development, club financing, player welfare and the direction of the sport ahead of AFCON 2027.

For now, the football debate has moved from the terraces to social media, with Magogo challenging critics to defend their positions in public and Kasingye insisting that FUFA must first listen to the voices of clubs, players and supporters.

The biggest question remains unanswered: should Ugandans be blamed for choosing foreign football, or should the country’s footb

Hichilema’s win was widely expected, with his closest challenger Brian Mundubile getting 38% of the votes cast. The remaining 12 candidates trailed far behind.

The result came after a contested process, with 55-year-old Mundubile earlier claiming victory and alleging, without providing evidence, that there had been voting irregularities.

It also followed the arrest of some leading opposition figures in a raid on Friday who the authorities accused of plotting an insurrection. Mundubile called the claim a fabrication.

In statement after being declared the winner, Hichilema, 64, said: “We are truly humbled by the trust you have placed in our hands.”

He said the election showed that Zambia was a place of peace, law and order and a “democratic nation that settles our differences at the ballot box, and nowhere else”.

“To those citizens who preferred the ideas presented by our opponents, we hear you, and we will continue to work for you,” he added.

Hundreds of Hichilema’s supporters, dressed in the red colours of his United Party for National Development (UPND) flooded the streets of the capital, Lusaka, to celebrate after the results declaration.

Zambia has a record of peaceful transfers of power. Since the return to multiparty democracy in 1991, presidential transitions have occurred through the ballot box.

It is unclear if the opposition will challenge the election result. Mundubile had earlier alleged there had been discrepancies between polling-station results and those officially announced and claimed military involvement at tallying centres.

On Monday, Mundubile described Friday’s raid by armed personnel at his home in Lusaka saying they had knocked down the gate with an armoured vehicle, broke doors and windows and opened fire.

He denied allegations that high-grade military weapons were being stored at his home as well as the presence of any militia as the authorities had alleged. “So they came in to kill us,” he told the BBC on Monday.

Mulambo Haimbe, Hichilema’s election agent and a senior UPND member said Mundubile’s remarks regarding the incident were “not correct”.

He told the BBC’s Newsday programme on Tuesday that criminal charges were being put forward against those arrested.

He also said the courts would address the various matters should the opposition party challenge the election outcome.

A day after polling, the electoral commission briefly suspended counting and the announcement of results, citing reports of violence targeting polling staff and the theft of marked ballot papers in some areas.

The suspension was lifted the same day. Regional and international observers described the election day as largely peaceful and urged all sides to remain calm and respect the official process.

They did however raise concerns about late electoral reforms, media freedom and access to the media in the run-up to the poll.

Samuel Tembenu, a former minister from Malawi, who was leading the observer mission from the southern African bloc (SADC), is quoted by the AFP news agency as saying that his team had “recorded, but could not verify, reports of intimidation, assault, abduction and damage to property in five provinces”.

Observers also expressed concern over the brief suspension of the vote counting, saying it risked the credibility of the process as well as voter confidence.

The EU observation mission warned at the weekend that restrictions on the opposition in the campaigning period may have contributed to an “uneven contest”.

By BBC

This article is adopted from BBC

Across Uganda’s district headquarters, health centres, schools and roads, a new form of high-visibility government oversight has taken centre stage. Surprise field inspections led by the Minister of Local Government, Balaam Barugahara, alongside the Minister of State, Justine Nameere, have generated intense national debate. Their visits have exposed alleged ghost workers, payroll irregularities, questionable projects, poor construction and failures in service delivery.

For citizens exhausted by abandoned roads, dysfunctional health facilities and entrenched corruption, watching ministers leave their offices, descend on the field and demand answers feels like a long-overdue reckoning.

That public response should not be dismissed. As Vice-President Jessica Alupo recently observed, corruption is experienced most acutely by the ordinary Ugandan when a borehole breaks down, a school roof collapses or a health centre lacks basic medicines. Local government is where the citizen encounters the state most directly; it is therefore where public trust is either built or broken.

Balaam’s campaign has revealed something important: Ugandans want to see government acting. The energy is also spreading. Health Minister Dr Chris Baryomunsi has conducted surprise inspections at regional referral hospitals, while Works Minister Fred Byamukama has stepped up field inspections of infrastructure projects.

The question, therefore, is not whether this energy should be extinguished. It should not. The critical question is: what political architecture can sustain it and turn it into permanent state capacity?

Uganda already possesses a number of institutions charged with fighting corruption. The Inter-Agency Forum against Corruption brings together these public accountability institutions, with the Directorate for Ethics and Integrity serving as its Secretariat. Yet corruption remains deeply entrenched. The Inspectorate of Government has estimated that corruption costs Uganda roughly Shs9–10 trillion a year.

If highly visible ministerial interventions generate more public confidence than an elaborate accountability bureaucracy, the problem is not simply the absence of institutions. It is the failure to make those institutions function as a coherent national system. Uganda should therefore not extinguish Balaam’s spark. It should institutionalise it.

From Political Energy To State Capacity

The controversy surrounding some of the field methods has drawn legitimate warnings from local-government leaders and the legal fraternity. Public arrests, humiliation, prejudgment and disciplinary action without due process can raise serious constitutional and administrative-law concerns, particularly under Articles 28 and 42 of the Constitution. But it is equally important not to confuse unlawful enforcement with lawful inspection.

The Local Governments Act expressly gives the central ministry responsible for local government functions of guidance, inspection, monitoring and coordination. It also empowers authorised inspectors to enter premises, inspect records and investigate matters on their own initiative or following complaints. Those powers are intended to promote accountability, good governance and service delivery.

The problem, therefore, is not that ministers inspect local governments. The problem arises when inspection becomes trial, publicity becomes punishment and political pronouncement substitutes for lawful disciplinary or criminal proceedings.

The distinction matters

A district engineer who once treated an audit query as routine paperwork now knows that government may physically appear at a project site. A health worker accustomed to absenteeism knows that an unannounced inspection is possible. That visibility can have a deterrent effect.

But political energy is not institutional capacity. A campaign driven by individual personalities can expose failures; it cannot, by itself, build a durable accountability system.

The challenge is to convert visibility into systems, fearlessness into policy, and political energy into institutional capacity.

Follow The Money — And Follow It To The Centre

Local government officials found culpable of diversion, fraud or negligence must be held accountable. But Uganda’s corruption problem cannot be solved by policing the administrative periphery while failing to follow the money to its source.

The FY2026/27 Local Government Budget, including Parish Development Model funds, is about Shs8.2 trillion against a national budget of roughly Shs84.4 trillion. Local governments therefore account for less than 10 per cent of the national resource envelope.

Yet some of the country’s largest corruption risks lie beyond district headquarters: major procurement, infrastructure contracts, energy projects, debt-financed programmes, central ministries, classified expenditures, public enterprises and other large transactions where billions of shillings can be lost in a single decision.

The corruption that destroys a district road is tragic. But corruption embedded in a major central procurement contract can destroy dozens of district roads before a single tractor reaches the field.

This is why the current inspection campaign should travel up the accountability chain.

When an inspection uncovers a suspicious payroll, the question should not end with the district officer. Who authorised the payroll? Who verified it? Who failed to act on earlier audit warnings? If a road is badly constructed, who awarded the contract? Who certified the work? Who authorised payment? If a procurement price is inflated, who designed the specifications, who evaluated the bids, who approved the contract and where did the excess money go?

And when the Auditor General’s report identifies serious irregularities, the system should have a defined pathway for action.

That does not mean an audit finding should automatically produce a prosecution or forfeiture. Different institutions have different statutory mandates and evidentiary thresholds. But a serious finding should trigger mandatory consideration for the appropriate next step: procurement review, administrative action, criminal investigation, financial intelligence analysis, referral to the Inspectorate or Leadership Code machinery, or another lawful intervention.

The objective should be simple: nothing significant should disappear between detection and accountability.

Lessons From Matembe’s Tenure

Uganda’s own anti-corruption history offers a sobering lesson about what happens when political will encounters entrenched interests at the centre.

When Dr Miria Matembe became the country’s first Minister for Ethics and Integrity in 1998, heading a docket at full Cabinet level, she sought to use it as a serious political instrument for confronting abuse of power, corruption and the erosion of public integrity.

In her memoir, The Struggle for Freedom and Democracy Betrayed, Matembe recounts not simply individual battles but the gradual erosion and containment of the institutional architecture intended to make ethics and accountability effective. Her account is important because it demonstrates that the weakening of an accountability institution or framework does not necessarily occur through one dramatic abolition. It can occur gradually—through political resistance, conditional lukewarm support, institutional fragmentation, diminished authority and the marginalisation of the very offices expected to confront abuse of power.

Matembe’s eventual departure in 2003 did not end that process. Uganda continues to operate the portfolio under a State Minister in the Office of the President, while underfunding remains a persistent complaint and institutional challenge.

The lesson here is more important than the precise administrative chronology.

It is politically easier to demand integrity from a district officer than to construct institutions capable of demanding it from the political and financial centre.

That is why an anti-corruption strategy confined to inspections of district engineers, teachers, health workers and local officials risks treating symptoms while leaving the larger architecture of patronage and centralised procurement untouched.

Uganda’s anti-corruption institutions have grown in number and sophistication. What has not kept pace is the capacity to make them operate as a single, coordinated and effective accountability chain.

Restore A Full Cabinet Ministry And Strengthen The LAF

This is why Uganda should restore Ethics and Integrity to full Cabinet status. The proposal is not to create another command centre over the Inspectorate of Government, the Auditor General, the Director of Public Prosecutions, the Judiciary, the Police, the Leadership Code Tribunal or other independent institutions.

Those institutions must retain their constitutional and statutory independence. The proposal is instead for a dedicated, full Cabinet Ministry for Ethics and Integrity, with an independent budget vote, providing political leadership to the national anti-corruption strategy and strengthening the Secretariat of the Inter-Agency Forum.

This would be coordination without capture. The Minister would not command the IGG, direct the DPP, instruct the Auditor General, interfere with judicial decisions or dictate the outcome of investigations.

Rather, the Minister would ensure that the institutions responsible for different stages of accountability are connected by clear protocols and measurable national objectives.

An audit finding should not languish in an audit report. A procurement red flag should not disappear into a file. A criminal investigation should not become indefinitely dormant. A Leadership Code breach should not remain unresolved. Recovered assets should not disappear from public view.

The IAF should therefore be strengthened into a genuine national coordination mechanism, capable of tracking the movement of serious cases from detection and verification through investigation, prosecution, adjudication and recovery, while leaving each institution to exercise its own statutory powers.

Uganda has already recognised the need for inter-agency coordination. The problem is that coordination without sufficient political weight, institutional capacity and case-tracking mechanisms can become another layer of bureaucracy.

What is required is a Cabinet-level political champion capable of asking, at every stage: What happened to this case? Who has it? What action was taken? What remains outstanding?

Redirecting The Catalyst

This is where the present campaign can become transformative. Balaam Barugahara and his active Cabinet colleagues have demonstrated the political power of visible accountability. Their interventions have shown that government can leave its offices, go to the field and confront failures that citizens have long complained about.

That political energy should not become another temporary campaign. It should become the catalyst for a national accountability architecture.

Indeed, if Government is persuaded that Hon. Balaam Barugahara’s fearlessness, activism and capacity to mobilise public attention are assets in the fight against corruption, there is an obvious way to deploy them beyond the district headquarters. He could be entrusted with the restored Cabinet portfolio for Ethics and Integrity, where that political energy could be brought to bear not merely on local officials but on the entire national accountability chain.

That would not make him a super-Minister. His role would be to provide political leadership and coordination, while the Inspectorate of Government, Auditor General, DPP, Police, Leadership Code Tribunal and other statutory institutions retain their independent mandates.

The same determination displayed at a district health centre should be applied to a central procurement agency. The same urgency brought to an abandoned road should be brought to a multi-billion-shilling infrastructure contract. The same question asked of a missing local worker should be asked of an unexplained payment at the centre.

Where did the money go? Who authorised it? Who benefited? Who knew? Who failed to act? And what happened after the red flag was raised? That is how Uganda can move from spectacle to statecraft.

The goal should not be to create a super-Minister who arrests, prosecutes and punishes. That would merely replace one institutional weakness with another form of executive overreach.

The goal is more ambitious: to create a political and institutional system in which no anti-corruption agency operates in isolation, no serious finding disappears without follow-up, and accountability reaches as confidently into the centre as it does into the districts.

Uganda does not need fewer anti-corruption institutions. It needs institutions that work together, institutions backed by political authority, and an accountability chain that reaches from the village project to the national procurement file. Do not extinguish the spark. Institutionalise it.

The writer is a senior advocate and former Minister

When committee leaders systematically abandon structured interrogation in favor of televised personal attacks and procedurally flawed fishing expeditions, they actively dismantle the credibility of the legislative process and signal to the public that personal political posturing matters far more than genuine statecraft.

This continuous drift by the Committee on Commissions, Statutory Authorities and State Enterprises is a stark reflection of that institutional failure. Rather than adhering strictly to the Auditor General reports and interrogating accounting officers on financial compliance, committee leadership repeatedly strays far beyond its constitutional boundary.

Just as previous leadership vulgarized the committee scope by prying into the private life, marriage, and personal background of Uganda Airlines CEO Jenifer Bamuturaki, Hon. Muwadda Nkunyingi is repeating the exact same procedural error with the Uganda Human Rights Commission.

Bypassing clear audit findings to chase internal administrative squabbles, matters already explicitly assigned by the Speaker to the Committee on Legal and Parliamentary Affairs, is a reckless overreach that preempts sister committees while allowing a suffocating backlog of unreviewed audit reports to accumulate.

This persistent breakdown raises an urgent question regarding value for money and the taxpayer investment in these public officials. Citizens pay substantial public funds to maintain these lawmakers, complete with extensive technical support, allowances, and administrative backing.

Is the taxpayer getting any real return on investment when highly compensated representatives, guided by clear procedural frameworks, prove entirely incapable of reasoning logically within those established guidelines? It is baffling how individuals backed by such significant institutional resources continuously choose media antics over substantive oversight.

Are these members utterly uninducted on their legal scope, or are they consciously exploiting camera time to harvest cheap political capital because they fail to command the floor during plenary sessions? The quiet passivity of the technical staff makes the situation even worse.

Committee clerks and legal counsel are stationed in those chambers precisely to enforce the Rules of Procedure, keep proceedings grounded in empirical evidence, and prevent oversight from devolving into a media circus. When these highly paid technical experts remain silent while lawmakers dismantle statutory norms for personal visibility, the entire institutional framework fails the citizens who fund it.

The complaint, addressed to the Inspector General of Government (IGG) and copied to several senior government officials, asks the Inspectorate of Government to launch what it describes as an urgent investigation into the recruitment and continued employment of a one Ocen Jacob, who the complainants allege works as a Front Desk Officer at the Parliament of Uganda.

The petition alleges that Jacob is a former intelligence lieutenant with the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and questions whether he possesses a valid Amnesty Certificate required under Uganda’s Amnesty Act. It also alleges that his recruitment into public service may not have complied with established public service procedures and that his qualifications should be independently verified.

However, the complaint itself does not provide documentary evidence proving the allegations, and, at the time of publication, none of the claims had been independently verified. The complaint was filed by Abba Advocates on behalf of unnamed clients described as concerned citizens and whistleblowers acting under Article 225 of the Constitution and the Whistleblowers Protection Act, 2010.

The complainants requested that their identities remain confidential for now, citing fears of victimization. In the petition, the whistleblowers commend the Inspectorate of Government for recent anti-corruption enforcement actions involving officials at Parliament before arguing that accountability efforts should also extend to alleged beneficiaries of irregular recruitment into public service.

Allegations Raised

The complaint raises several issues it wants investigators to examine. First, it claims Jacob may not possess a valid Amnesty Certificate issued under the Amnesty Act, legislation that governs the reintegration of former rebels who renounce armed rebellion. The petition alleges that uncertainty surrounding his alleged amnesty status has generated concern within sections of the community, although it presents no official records from the Amnesty Commission supporting that claim.

Secondly, the complainants question whether Jacob met the minimum academic and professional qualifications required for employment in Parliament. The petition alleges that because of his purported involvement with the LRA during the insurgency in northern Uganda, investigators should verify the educational credentials and qualifications used during his recruitment.

The whistleblowers also ask investigators to establish whether the recruitment process complied with the Public Service Standing Orders and the Employment Act. In addition, the complaint requests an audit of Jacob’s payroll status, alleging that if his appointment was unlawful, public funds may have been improperly spent on his salary.

Security Concerns Raised

The petition further argues that, if the allegations regarding Jacob’s past are substantiated, his employment within Parliament would raise broader questions about vetting procedures for staff working in sensitive government institutions. The complainants contend that public confidence in state institutions depends on transparent recruitment processes and proper background checks for all public officers.

No evidence was attached to the complaint establishing that Parliament failed to conduct the necessary security vetting. The whistleblowers argue that the alleged conduct, if established, could amount to violations of several Ugandan laws, including the Constitution of Uganda regarding accountability and transparency in public service, the Leadership Code Act, the Public Service Standing Orders governing recruitment, the Amnesty Act and the Anti-Corruption Act.

Legal experts note that any determination of wrongdoing would depend on evidence gathered during an official investigation and cannot be presumed solely from the filing of a complaint. The complainants are asking the Inspectorate of Government to investigate the recruitment, appointment and payroll status of Jacob, to confirm with the Amnesty Commission whether he holds a valid Amnesty Certificate, verify his academic and professional qualifications, suspend salary payments if investigators discover irregularities and, recommend administrative, civil or criminal action against any individuals found responsible.

The petition also asks that the Inspectorate report its findings to Parliament and other relevant authorities.Copies of the complaint were addressed to the Speaker of Parliament, the Clerk to Parliament, the Inspector General of Police, the Chairperson of the Amnesty Commission, the Executive Director of the State House Anti-Corruption Unit and the Director General of the Internal Security Organisation.

As of publication, there was no public indication that any of the institutions had opened an investigation or reached findings regarding the allegations. Efforts to obtain a comment from Ocen Jacob, Parliament of Uganda, the Inspectorate of Government and the Amnesty Commission were futile as some didn’t pick there known telephone numbers and others were off every time we tried them.

The United States dollar funds were allegedly stolen from the office of Counsel Roberts Fridays Kagoro, while the Ugandan currency was reportedly stolen from the office of his co-managing partner, Counsel Frederick Jeremiah Muwema. Bizarrely, whereas fifteen police officers were present during the impugned exercise, the firm underscores that they did not bother to stop the violence, chaos and, criminal acts and impunity witnessed on that black day.

Instead, the police reportedly actively and directly participated in the commission of those crimes, benefitted from them, and supported, as well as encouraged on their alleged partners in crime.  The law firm explains that a lawyer company called Downtown Investments and its director, Puresh Kumar Ratital Mehta were the principal masterminds of the entire chaos.

They ostensibly acted alongside their lawyers, Rukia Adam, Ahmed Bongo and Fredrick Byatokoreire who are heavily blamed for reportedly abandoning their legal decorum to join armed goons in causing untold havoc, despite being officers of court and vanguards of due process.

Joining this park, the aggrieved law adds, was a security company known as A1 Security Systems. Together with the rest of the actors they allegedly ransacked the premises and dragged to the waiting get-away trucks confidential clients’ files, title documents and, valuable office equipment estimated at close to Ushs200 million.

The plaintiff emphasizes that whereas the actors concealed the impugned operation as merely a re-entry by the Downtown Investments, it was an illegal eviction conducted against the backdrop of a subsisting and ongoing court case. That original case had been filed by the company and it’s directors through their aforementioned lawyers, and it was intended to resolve the tenant-landlord lease-and-buy agreement status quo after the company claimed the tenant( Muwema and Company Advocates) had breached the contract and failed to pay rent.

The law illuminates that the security company was not legally permitted to participate in the operation – let alone considering it’s illegality- and yet the police and Downtown Investments lawyers supposedly simply looked on and just encouraged them as they reportedly broke all of the laws with reckless impunity. For the presumed illegal activities and negligence of the police officers present at the illegal operation, the law firm has joined the learned Attorney General  to the lawsuit to atone for their rogueness and unprofessionalism, crimes, and illegalities in damages.

In a recap, the law firm – now comfortably settled in the leafy Upper Nakasero part of Kampala Capital City- want all of the cited defendants to foot the cost with Ushs12 billion, excluding the legal fees to be quantified following the conclusion of the lawsuit. The defendants are legally expected to file their respective defenses within 15 days of being served with the necessary court process in regards to this lawsuit. We shall keep you posted about all of the breaking developments related to this matter.  Stay well and take care.

The colourful event attracted politicians, businessmen, close friends and prominent figures from across Uganda, transforming the usually quiet Kyankwanzi district into a hive of celebration. Known for his unwavering loyalty to the Patriotic League of Uganda and his fierce defence of Chief of Defence Forces Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba on social media, Frank Mwesigye proved that beyond politics lies a man deeply committed to family values and culture. The ceremony was filled with traditional songs, cultural dances, heartfelt speeches and endless celebrations as relatives from both families witnessed the beginning of a new chapter in the couple’s lives.

BIG MEN SHOW UP

The occasion gained even more prominence when Local Government Minister Balaam Barugahara Ateenyi and Justice and Constitutional Affairs Minister Norbert Mao led a delegation of Kampala’s influential personalities to escort the groom to his bride’s home.

The ministers mingled freely with guests, sharing laughter and celebrating the joyous occasion in true African style. Speaking during the function, Balaam congratulated the couple and urged them to build a marriage founded on faith and mutual respect.

“Therefore, what God has joined together, let no one separate,” Balaam quoted from Mark 10:9 before adding: “Congratulations once again Frank and Natasha. May the Lord guide your journey together and make your home a source of peace, love and blessing.”

Balaam later posted photographs from the ceremony, describing Frank as a committed comrade who deserved every blessing on his special day. Justice Minister Norbert Mao also joined the celebrations, standing alongside the groom throughout the colourful traditional ceremony as friends showered the couple with prayers and best wishes.

FROM POLITICAL BATTLES TO LOVE

Frank Mwesigye has built a reputation as one of the most vocal mobilisers within the Patriotic League of Uganda and circles supporting the ruling National Resistance Movement. Political insiders describe him as one of the movement’s dependable grassroots mobilisers who rarely shies away from defending the PLU agenda online and on the ground.

“He is a great member of PLU. He fights his battles cunningly and passionately,” one associate remarked during the ceremony. But on this occasion, politics took a back seat as friends watched one of Uganda’s most outspoken political mobilisers embrace married life. The beautifully decorated venue reflected both modern elegance and rich Ankole cultural heritage, with traditional attire, colourful décor and smiling faces dominating every corner.

FRIENDS POUR OUT THEIR HEARTS

Among those celebrating the groom was businessman Stanley Ndaula, Chief Executive Officer of Yaya Extra, who described Frank as a loyal friend deserving every bit of happiness. “Frank deserves all his flowers. He is one of our top clients here at Yaya Extra. On behalf of myself and the entire Yaya Extra family, we wish Frank the happiest marriage and God’s abundant blessings,” Ndaula said. His remarks drew loud applause from guests who described the groom as humble, hardworking and generous.

Retired military officer Col. (Rtd) Sam Karogo Murari also congratulated Frank, simply referring to him as “son” in a touching message that demonstrated the respect and mentorship he has extended to the groom over the years. Renowned preacher Pastor Martin Ssempa also joined the growing list of well-wishers. “Congratulations and greetings from the president of Straight Nation to Frank Mwesigye on your family visit to get a wife,” Ssempa posted, while thanking Balaam and Norbert Mao for standing with their friend during the traditional ceremony.

SOCIAL MEDIA EXPLODES

As photographs from the glamorous ceremony flooded social media, congratulatory messages poured in from every corner of Uganda. Broadcaster Canary Mugume reacted with admiration to the beautiful couple, while Ambassador Fred Ngoga wished them success in their new journey together.

Many supporters praised Frank for honouring African traditions before officially walking down the aisle. Others joked that one of PLU’s toughest online defenders had finally surrendered to love. “Congratulations Frank, welcome to the table of men,” wrote one supporter.

Another added, “You have won in life.” Some friends teased him that marriage would now reduce the amount of time he spends confronting political rivals online, encouraging him instead to focus on his wife and family. Humour also dominated the conversations, with supporters making light-hearted jokes about wedding invitations, future children and upcoming celebrations.

A BEAUTIFUL BRIDE STEALS THE SHOW

While Frank remained the centre of attention, many guests couldn’t stop admiring his elegant bride, Natasha. Dressed in magnificent traditional attire, she radiated beauty and confidence throughout the colourful ceremony. Several social media users described her as graceful and intelligent, wishing the newly introduced couple a lifetime filled with peace, prosperity and love.

One admirer quoted the famous biblical verse from Proverbs, saying, “He who finds a wife finds a good thing and obtains favour from the Lord.” Others praised Frank for respecting culture by formally introducing himself to his bride’s family before the church wedding.

COUNTDOWN TO THE WHITE WEDDING

Even before the celebrations in Kyankwanzi had ended, attention had already shifted to the couple’s forthcoming church wedding. Friends promised to attend in large numbers as Frank prepares to officially exchange vows with Natasha before family, friends and invited guests. With the successful traditional introduction now complete, the couple has crossed one of the most important milestones in African marriage customs.

For Frank Mwesigye, the day marked more than just a cultural ceremony—it represented the beginning of a lifelong partnership built on love, respect and family. As music played late into the evening and celebrations continued, one message echoed from every guest in attendance: congratulations to the happy couple.

Judging by the smiles, prayers and overwhelming support witnessed in Kyankwanzi, Frank and Natasha’s love story has started on a memorable note—one filled with glamour, tradition and the blessings of family, friends and political comrades alike.

His remarks have reignited debate about the culture of money and patronage that dominated the 11th Parliament under the leadership of Speaker Anita Annet Among and Deputy Speaker Tayebwa. Critics and governance observers have long argued that excessive monetization of politics contributed to weakening institutional independence and accountability within Parliament.During the 11th Parliament, there were persistent claims and public discussions alleging that MPs frequently received cash handouts from the Speaker’s office. Some legislators and political commentators alleged that weekly distributions of money became normalized, although the exact source of the funds was often unclear and not publicly explained. Supporters of the parliamentary leadership, however, defended the practice as welfare support intended to help MPs facing financial and constituency pressures.The issue of financial dependence among legislators has remained central to discussions about corruption in Uganda’s political system. Analysts argue that the high cost of elections, pressure from constituents for direct financial assistance, and the absence of strong institutional safeguards have created conditions that encourage transactional politics.

Heavily indebted

Observers note that many MPs enter Parliament heavily indebted after expensive campaigns, making them vulnerable to influence from powerful political actors. Once elected, lawmakers are often expected to fund funerals, school fees, medical bills, and community events in their constituencies. This pressure, critics say, fuels a cycle where MPs continuously seek financial support from wealthier political offices or individuals.Anti-corruption activists have also pointed to weak transparency mechanisms and limited public disclosure regarding parliamentary expenditures as factors that deepen suspicion and erode public trust. Allegations of cash distributions in Parliament have periodically sparked public outrage, especially at a time when many Ugandans continue to struggle with rising living costs and unemployment.

Tayebwa’s comments therefore offer a rare glimpse into the internal financial culture of Uganda’s legislature. While his warning focused on personal responsibility among MPs, it has also drawn attention to broader systemic concerns about the relationship between money, political loyalty, and governance in Parliament.Political analysts say meaningful reforms would require stricter accountability measures, stronger enforcement of ethical standards, and broader electoral reforms aimed at reducing the financial burden associated with political office.As public scrutiny of Parliament continues, Tayebwa’s remarks may further intensify calls for greater transparency and institutional reforms within Uganda’s legislative arm.

Investigators are reportedly interested in large sums of money that allegedly passed through Mwanje’s personal bank accounts during the execution of the projects.“CID detectives want clear explanations about the movement of billions of shillings and the purpose for which the funds were transferred,” a source close to the investigations said. “They are trying to establish whether the transactions were legitimate project payments or part of a broader financial scheme.”Friends and close associates of Mwanje say the engineer has been under immense pressure since receiving the summons earlier this week.“He has been extremely disturbed and anxious,” one longtime friend, who requested anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, revealed. “Joseph has been saying goodbye to people close to him because he fears the situation could worsen. He believes he is being dragged into a political storm much bigger than him.”Another associate described Mwanje as a “professional engineer caught in complicated political crossfire.”“As chief engineer, he handled payments to contractors and site workers. He was responsible for procurement of construction materials like cement, steel, bricks, sand, and other supplies,” the associate said. “But whether he knew the source or implications of all the money is something only investigations can establish.”

Mwanje, who previously served as a manager at Uganda Cranes, is also known in sports circles as the proprietor of Lugazi FC a football club based in Buikwe District.Investigators are reportedly scrutinizing several luxury properties and construction projects believed to have been managed under Mwanje’s supervision over the last few years.The CID summonses also extend to other individuals considered influential within Among’s inner circle. Sources identified some of those expected for interrogation as parliamentary logistics and transport officials as well as media aides, including Joseph Sabiiti.According to insiders, investigators are particularly interested in understanding how parliamentary connections may have been used in facilitating financial transactions, procurement arrangements, and movement of funds.One parliamentary source familiar with the developments said the atmosphere among Among’s associates has become tense and uncertain.“Many people are panicking because they don’t know how far these investigations will go,” the source explained. “Some fear they may be arrested, while others believe they are only being treated as witnesses.”

The widening probe comes amid growing public scrutiny over the wealth, spending, and financial dealings of several high-ranking public officials.Although authorities have remained tight-lipped about the exact offences under investigation, sources indicate that detectives are examining possible cases involving abuse of office, money laundering, illicit enrichment, and conspiracy to commit financial crimes.CID officials declined to comment directly on the identities of those summoned but confirmed that “ongoing investigations involving public officials and their associates” were underway.Political analysts say the latest developments could mark a significant turning point in Uganda’s anti-corruption landscape if investigations are pursued independently and transparently.“This is one of the first times investigators appear willing to question not only politicians but also the operational networks around them,” political commentator Samuel Bwanika said. “The people who manage projects, logistics, and finances often hold critical information.”

However, some supporters of Among have dismissed the investigations as politically motivated.A close confidant of the former Speaker defended her associates, insisting they were merely carrying out professional duties.“People are trying to criminalize ordinary work relationships,” the confidant argued. “Engineers, assistants, and logistics officers were simply doing their jobs. It is unfair to portray everyone around Anita Among as part of wrongdoing before investigations are complete.”By press time, several of the summoned individuals were reportedly preparing to appear before CID detectives accompanied by lawyers.The outcome of the interrogations is expected to shape the next phase of investigations and could potentially lead to further summonses, arrests, or asset-related inquiries in the coming days.