Nameere issued the apology on X on Sunday, saying she had no intention of attacking Muhoozi and blaming “unscrupulous people” for manipulating the video and attaching his name to her remarks. “My sincere apology to Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba @mkainerugaba regarding a video that unscrupulous people maliciously edited and put your name!” Nameere wrote.

“I can NEVER attack you my Brother! Heshima. For those who seek to sow discord, Proverbs Chapter 6:19 says ‘The Lord detests a false witness’,” she added. The apology came after days of escalating exchanges involving Nameere, Muhoozi and senior PLU officials, particularly the organisation’s former secretary general, Daudi Kabanda.

Muhoozi subsequently accepted the apology and announced that he had forgiven the minister, while directing PLU members to stop attacking her. “I have hereby forgiven my dear sister Hon. Justine Nameere. I do not hold grudges against people. I wish all well. The matter is settled,” Muhoozi wrote. “PLU is instructed to stop attacking her from this day on,” he added. The development effectively closes the latest chapter in a dispute that had threatened to deepen tensions between Nameere and supporters of the PLU chairman.

Video Controversy

The dispute was triggered by a video circulating on social media which appeared to show Nameere making remarks that were interpreted as being directed at Muhoozi. Reports about the controversy indicate that a longer version of the recording provided a different context, with Nameere addressing Kabanda rather than Muhoozi.

Nameere had earlier challenged the authenticity and interpretation of another clip linked to former Speaker Anita Among, explaining that it had been extracted from an older recording and presented without the surrounding context. The latest apology therefore appears to have been intended to draw a line under the controversy while reaffirming Nameere’s relationship with Muhoozi. Her reference to being his “sister” also signalled an attempt to frame the disagreement as an internal misunderstanding rather than a permanent political confrontation.

Muhoozi Calls for an End to Attacks

Muhoozi’s response was notable not only because he accepted the apology but also because he specifically instructed PLU supporters to stop attacking Nameere. His statement that “the matter is settled” suggests that the CDF regarded the apology as sufficient to resolve the dispute.

The directive is significant because several PLU supporters had joined the online exchanges surrounding Nameere, with the disagreement increasingly involving personalities beyond the original video. Muhoozi’s instruction puts the matter within the PLU leadership structure and asks his supporters to cease further confrontation with the minister. The dispute had escalated after Muhoozi had publicly demanded that Nameere apologise to him.

On September 16, Muhoozi gave Nameere seven days to apologise, warning that failure to do so would have consequences. Earlier, he had also said that if Nameere was “misbehaving”, removing her from Cabinet would be straightforward. Nameere has now apologised, while Muhoozi has publicly accepted it.

Kabanda Fires Back

Despite Muhoozi’s call for peace, Kabanda’s response showed that tensions between him and Nameere have a separate history. Kabanda said Nameere’s previous criticism of him should not be separated from his role within PLU and his relationship with Muhoozi.

“Nameere should know that when she attacked me, she was attacking CDF who had sent me to withdraw PLU support from AAA,” Kabanda wrote on X. He was referring to the political contest involving Anita Among, commonly known as AAA, and PLU’s earlier decision to withdraw its support. Kabanda also responded to Nameere’s questions about accountability for proceeds from Muhoozi’s birthday run.

“She went further to allege that proceeds from the birthday run were misappropriated by the organizers and demanded accountability,” he wrote. “That has nothing to do with me, blame your own mouth. Ebyange naawe tebijja kugwa! Oba bakusonyiye bakusonyiwe,” Kabanda added. Kabanda’s comments underline that although Muhoozi has declared the matter settled, the broader disagreement between Nameere and some PLU figures has deeper roots.

Nameere had previously criticised Kabanda over PLU’s decision to withdraw support from Among and questioned accountability for money associated with Muhoozi’s birthday charity run. The disagreement therefore goes beyond the disputed video and touches on political loyalties, PLU’s role in parliamentary politics and the relationship between its leadership and elected officials.

A Wider PLU Political Context

The Nameere-Muhoozi dispute comes at a time when PLU is expanding its political mobilisation activities. Muhoozi, who chairs PLU, has publicly declared his intention to contest for the presidency in 2031. Kabanda subsequently announced that the PLU chairman would seek the presidency and said the decision had been sanctioned by President Yoweri Museveni.

PLU has since embarked on a nationwide signature and mobilisation campaign in support of Muhoozi’s political ambitions. Uganda Radio Network reported that the group had begun grassroots mobilisation in Busoga alongside its endorsement drive. Kabanda has emerged as one of the most prominent public defenders and organisers within the Muhoozi political project.

That makes his dispute with Nameere politically significant even though the immediate controversy involved a video. Kabanda’s own explanation was that his actions concerning Among were undertaken after receiving instructions from Muhoozi. This is why he interpreted Nameere’s criticism of him as indirectly involving the CDF. Nameere, meanwhile, is both a Cabinet minister and Masaka City Woman MP, placing her at the intersection of government, Parliament and the increasingly visible PLU political network.

The political fallout

The apology has now changed the immediate direction of the confrontation. Instead of continuing with the ultimatum issued by Muhoozi, the two sides have publicly moved towards reconciliation. Muhoozi’s statement that he “does not hold grudges” and his instruction to PLU supporters to stop attacking Nameere provide a clear indication that he wants the dispute closed.

Nameere’s invocation of Proverbs 6:19 — “The Lord detests a false witness” — meanwhile places her explanation firmly around the claim that the video was manipulated and used to create discord. The remaining issue is whether the latest reconciliation will also ease the separate disagreements between Nameere and PLU officials such as Kabanda. For now, however, the most prominent confrontation has been publicly resolved.

For Nameere and Muhoozi, the public exchange has ended with an apology and forgiveness. For Kabanda and Nameere, however, the record of their earlier political disagreements remains, even as Muhoozi has instructed the PLU faithful to move on

The utility vehicle was delivered to UMC executive director Alan Kasujja on Sunday by the Acting Director of Defence Public Information, Col Chris Magezi. The donation followed a meeting between Gen Muhoozi and Kasujja, during which the two discussed national matters, geopolitics, faith and the work ahead, according to Kasujja.

Kasujja later disclosed that he had raised the issue of transport at UMC after informing the CDF about an accident involving two of his colleagues, Glen and Michael. The two employees of UMC had been involved in an accident while travelling in a vehicle used for their work. Kasujja said he mentioned to Gen Muhoozi that the institution needed to replace the vehicle that had been involved in the accident. He said the CDF responded immediately.

“Less than two hours after we parted ways, a brand-new Toyota Land Cruiser arrived to support our work,” Kasujja said in a statement. The vehicle was delivered by Col Magezi on behalf of the CDF. Kasujja also reported that both Glen and Michael, the two UMC staff members involved in the accident, were doing well. He thanked God for their safety and expressed appreciation for the intervention that resulted in the replacement vehicle.

The donation gives UMC additional transport capacity at a time when the government communication institution is required to provide media access and information from activities taking place across the country. The vehicle is particularly expected to support long-distance assignments, where journalists and government communication officials have to travel to remote districts to document government programmes, public events and other national activities.

CDF Support

According to the Ministry of Defence and Veteran Affairs (MoDVA), the donation is part of what it described as close interagency cooperation between the defence establishment and other government institutions. Col Magezi said the donation demonstrated cooperation within government aimed at improving service delivery, transparency and accountability.

“The MoDVA/UPDF, under Gen. Kainerugaba’s leadership, has consistently believed in and supported the work of the Uganda Media Centre,” Kasujja said. “We do not take that support for granted. Asante sana, Afande,” he added. The donation places emphasis on the practical needs of government communication, particularly mobility.

The Uganda Media Centre serves as a platform through which government ministries, departments and agencies engage the media and the public. Its operations often involve facilitating press conferences, government briefings, media engagements and communication around national programmes. Field operations also require officials and media personnel to travel outside Kampala. The new Land Cruiser is therefore expected to improve the centre’s ability to undertake such assignments.

Accident Triggers Request

The donation came shortly after the accident involving the two UMC employees. Kasujja said that during his meeting with Gen Muhoozi, the issue of the damaged vehicle was not initially the main subject of their discussion. He described it as something he mentioned “almost in passing”. However, according to Kasujja, Gen Muhoozi immediately acted on the information. The speed with which the replacement vehicle was delivered became a major feature of Kasujja’s account of the meeting. He said that after the meeting ended, less than two hours passed before a new Toyota Land Cruiser had arrived to support the centre’s work. The account portrays the vehicle as an operational intervention following the loss of an existing vehicle in the accident.

There was no indication in the statement of the value of the new vehicle or the procurement process through which it was acquired. The statement also did not provide details of the damaged vehicle or the circumstances surrounding the accident involving the two UMC employees.

Military-Civilian Cooperation

The donation also highlights the relationship between the UPDF and civilian government institutions. The UPDF says its constitutional mandate includes cooperating with civilian authorities in specified circumstances and fostering harmony and understanding between the defence forces and civilians. The force also describes itself as a national institution subordinate to civilian authority and says its mandate includes cooperation with civilian authorities.

Gen Muhoozi became CDF in March 2024, succeeding Gen Wilson Mbadi. At the time of his assumption of office, he said the UPDF would continue to focus on professionalism, national security and improving the welfare and working conditions of its personnel. The UPDF has subsequently highlighted civil-military cooperation as part of its activities, including engagements with government agencies and communities.

In recent months, the military has also worked with other government institutions in activities ranging from disaster preparedness to infrastructure and community interventions. The donation to UMC therefore comes against a broader background of interaction between the military establishment and civilian government agencies.

Media Operations

For UMC, the immediate concern is operational. The centre is expected to facilitate communication between government and the public, making reliable transport important for staff undertaking assignments away from Kampala. Long-distance field work can involve travel to districts where government projects, public events, security activities, infrastructure developments and other programmes are being implemented.

A utility vehicle capable of handling such assignments can consequently expand the centre’s operational reach. The Land Cruiser is expected to be used as a work vehicle rather than as a ceremonial asset, with UMC indicating that it will support its operations. Kasujja’s statement did not indicate whether the vehicle would be assigned to a particular department or whether it would be available to different UMC teams depending on their field assignments.

Kasujja Thanks CDF

Kasujja expressed appreciation for the donation, describing the support from the Defence Ministry and UPDF as something the media centre valued. His meeting with Gen Muhoozi had initially covered wider issues, including national affairs and geopolitics. Kasujja said the CDF also asked about Glen and Michael after learning of their accident.

He reported that both staff members were recovering well. The concern for the two employees, followed by the provision of a replacement vehicle, formed the immediate background to the donation. The vehicle was handed over on Sunday by Col Magezi, who represented the CDF at the delivery.

The Ministry of Defence described the donation as demonstrating interagency cooperation intended to enhance service delivery and strengthen transparency and accountability across government sectors. For UMC, the immediate benefit is increased mobility. The institution will now have an additional vehicle to support its work, particularly assignments involving long-distance travel across Uganda.

The donation also reinforces the role of transport in government communication, where officials and media teams increasingly have to move beyond Kampala to document activities and engage communities. As UMC begins using the new Toyota Land Cruiser, its officials are expected to deploy it for the centre’s operational needs, with the institution expressing gratitude to Gen Muhoozi and the defence establishment

The announcement immediately places the family name “Museveni” more prominently in the identity of the military chief, who is the eldest child of President Yoweri Museveni and First Lady Janet Kataaha Museveni. Muhoozi, 52, was born on April 24, 1974, in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, according to an account by his father published by Uganda Broadcasting Corporation.

President Museveni has described the four children he had with Janet as Muhoozi, Natasha, Patience and Kyaremeera, and has spoken publicly about their childhood during the years of political instability and the family’s exile. The change therefore adds another layer to the public identity of a man whose name has become increasingly prominent in Uganda’s military and political affairs.

First Son of Museveni

Muhoozi is the first-born of President Museveni and Janet Museveni. The President has repeatedly spoken about the circumstances surrounding his son’s birth. In his 2026 birthday message, Museveni recalled that Muhoozi was born at Ocean Road Hospital in Dar es Salaam after Janet was driven to the hospital by a Dutch neighbour.

Museveni said Muhoozi’s birth coincided with the historic events of April 24 and 25, 1974, when Portugal’s Carnation Revolution began bringing an end to the country’s authoritarian regime and its colonial empire in Africa.

The President has also described his children as having grown up during the liberation struggle. He said Janet was largely responsible for looking after them during periods when he was away because of his political and military activities.

Muhoozi subsequently joined the military and rose through the ranks of the Uganda People’s Defence Forces (UPDF). He became CDF, placing him at the head of Uganda’s armed forces. His current public profile extends beyond the military. He is also chairman of the Patriotic League of Uganda (PLU), a political pressure group, and has publicly expressed an intention to seek Uganda’s presidency in 2031. Recent reporting has linked his political activities to growing discussions about the country’s future leadership.

The Museveni Siblings

Muhoozi is the eldest of four children born to Yoweri and Janet Museveni. His three younger siblings are Natasha Karugire Museveni, Patience Rwabwogo Museveni and Diana Museveni Kyaremeera. President Museveni himself recently provided details of their birth dates and childhood. He said Natasha was born on March 12, 1977, Patience on May 9, 1978, and Kyaremeera on June 30, 1980.

Natasha Karugire Museveni, popularly known in the family as “Kukuru”, is the first daughter. She is a filmmaker, author and fashion entrepreneur. She is married to lawyer and businessman Edwin Karugire, and the couple have children. Their marriage marked 25 years in 2025.

Natasha has also spoken about the family’s difficult childhood, including periods of exile. She recalled that the family moved through different countries during the political turmoil surrounding her father’s activities and that the children experienced long periods away from him.

Patience Rwabwogo Museveni is the second daughter. She is married to businessman Odrek Rwabwogo and is known publicly for her Christian ministry. Her father has previously described her as being involved in farming and other private-sector activities.

Diana Museveni Kyaremeera, the youngest of the four siblings, is married to Geoffrey Kamuntu. President Museveni has also said that Diana is involved in the management of aspects of the family’s private estate. Thus, the new name announced by Muhoozi does not alter his position as the eldest of the four siblings, but it gives greater prominence to the surname associated with his father and the family that has dominated Uganda’s political history for four decades.

Wife and Children

Muhoozi is married to Charlotte Nankunda Kutesa. The couple married in 1999 and have four children, according to Muhoozi’s official family biography.

Charlotte is a daughter of former Foreign Affairs minister Sam Kutesa, making the Muhoozi family connected by marriage to another prominent Ugandan political family.

Muhoozi has generally kept his children away from the centre of his public activities compared with his military and political engagements. His official biography describes him as a husband and father and identifies family as an important part of his private life.

The Wider Family

The Museveni family network extends beyond the four children. President Museveni’s wife is Janet Kataaha Museveni, who has served in government and parliament and has held several ministerial responsibilities. The couple have been married since 1973.

Janet’s side of the family is also significant to Muhoozi’s background. President Museveni has previously spoken about his wife’s father, Edward Kataaha, and her brother Kainerugaba, who died in a car accident in 1966. On Museveni’s side, the extended family includes his younger brother Gen Salim Saleh, who has played a major role in Uganda’s military and political history. Other members of the wider Museveni and in-law networks have also held public positions or maintained prominent business and professional careers.

Muhoozi’s own marriage to Charlotte further links him to the Kutesa family. His sister Natasha’s marriage to Edwin Karugire and Patience’s marriage to Odrek Rwabwogo have similarly created links with influential Ugandan families.

What the new name means

The immediate significance of the announcement is that the CDF will now publicly identify himself as Muhoozi Kainerugaba Museveni, rather than simply Muhoozi Kainerugaba. The addition of “Museveni” formally brings the President’s surname into the name of his eldest son, who already has a highly visible identity as the President’s son.

It also comes at a time when Muhoozi occupies several powerful and highly public roles. He is the country’s military chief, chairman of the PLU and an increasingly prominent figure in discussions about Uganda’s political future.

His supporters have associated his political activities with a generational transition, while his critics have raised questions about the intersection between military leadership, family succession and politics. These are contested political interpretations, rather than facts established by the name change itself. For now, Muhoozi’s announcement is straightforward: the man previously known nationally as Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba says he will henceforth be known as Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba Museveni — MKM. The new name places his military identity, his personal family identity and the surname of the President in a single public name, marking another notable development in the public life of Uganda’s first family.

In a shocking political U-turn announced shortly after President Museveni’s swearing-in ceremony at Kololo on Tuesday, PLU Secretary General David Kabanda revealed that the pressure group had cancelled its earlier directive backing Among and Tayebwa for re-election.

The now-abandoned endorsement had been issued on March 11, instructing all PLU-leaning MPs-elect to rally behind the current parliamentary leadership. But insiders now say the tide has turned — and badly. Sources within PLU claim Gen Muhoozi is increasingly uncomfortable with leaders perceived to be associated with corruption and extravagant lifestyles.

“Gen Muhoozi hates corruption and cannot support leaders whose names are constantly appearing in controversial luxury stories,” a source close to PLU revealed. Political observers believe Among’s flashy spending, especially reports surrounding her alleged Shs3.4 billion Rolls-Royce purchase, may have worsened her standing within powerful establishment circles.

The controversy intensified after Muhoozi himself posted on social media that he had “never sat in a Rolls Royce” despite being 52 years old — a statement many interpreted as a subtle dig aimed at the Speaker. Eyewitnesses at Kololo said Among, accompanied by her husband and FUFA President Moses Magogo, was seen attempting to engage Gen Muhoozi in conversation on the sidelines of the ceremony. However, observers noted that the General appeared cold and largely uninterested.

Behind closed doors, PLU insiders are reportedly considering alternative candidates for the powerful Speaker position, with Justice Minister Norbert Mao and Defence Minister Jacob Oboth Oboth emerging as possible compromise figures. Meanwhile, the Speakership race continues to attract more contenders, including Lydia Wanyoto, Persis Namuganza, Alioni Yorke Odria and Florence Asiimwe Akiiki. With alliances shifting rapidly and political knives out, insiders say the once-untouchable Speaker Anita Among is now facing the toughest political fight of her career.

The remarks came amid growing public debate over reports that Anita Among had allegedly acquired a luxury vehicle worth approximately Shs3 billion. Although the Speaker has not officially responded to the reports, the controversy has sparked widespread discussion on social media and in political circles.

Political analysts say Gen Kainerugaba’s comments have intensified scrutiny over the Speaker’s lifestyle and sources of wealth. Critics have accused her of extravagance and possible corruption, arguing that she is not publicly known as a business tycoon capable of purchasing such an expensive vehicle through private means alone.

“This issue has touched a nerve among ordinary Ugandans who are struggling economically,” said one political commentator in Kampala. “Many people are questioning how public officials accumulate such wealth.” The controversy is also threatening to complicate political calculations ahead of the anticipated race for the Speakership. Sources within political circles say the allegations have weakened confidence within Among’s camp at a time when she is expected to face growing pressure from rivals, including Norbert Mao.

A senior member of the opposition, speaking anonymously, said the matter could become a major campaign issue. “Perception matters in politics. Once the public starts associating leaders with corruption and extravagance, it becomes difficult to rebuild trust,” the source noted. Despite the criticism, supporters of the Speaker have dismissed the accusations as politically motivated attacks aimed at tarnishing her reputation ahead of future political contests.

Sources familiar with the matter claim Wadri left Uganda about two months ago after tensions escalated over allegations that she had become the subject of internal investigations and counter-accusations involving senior officials. Family members and associates reportedly fear for her safety. “She is extremely worried about her security and believes she is being monitored even while abroad,” a source close to the family said. “Her greatest wish is to return home safely, but she feels vulnerable and isolated.”

Efforts to independently verify the claims that Wadri is under surveillance or facing direct threats were unsuccessful by press time. Wadri previously headed investigations into alleged tax evasion involving major companies, including telecommunications firms, and is also said to have participated in inquiries related to the management of Uganda Airlines.

According to documents seen by this publication, Ms Wadri wrote to President Museveni in 2024 expressing frustration over what she described as pressure and hostility within State House structures. In a response dated December 25, 2024, President Museveni directed that she meet Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba to discuss her concerns.

“I have received your letter informing me of your intention to resign from the Revenue Intelligence Directorate,” part of the President’s letter reportedly reads. “I direct your brother, Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, to meet you so that he gets to know what you have expressed.”

However, sources close to the matter claim the proposed meeting never materialized. “Some powerful individuals within the system were uncomfortable with her continued access and influence,” another source alleged. “There were efforts to isolate her before she eventually left the country.”

The claims could not be independently verified, and State House had not issued an official statement on the matter by publication time. A senior State House official, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly, denied knowledge of any threats against Ms Wadri. “As far as we know, no one is targeting her,” the official said. “People leave government service for different reasons. Matters concerning personnel are handled internally.”

Another official familiar with operations at State House cautioned against speculation. “There are many exaggerated accounts circulating,” the source said. “If she has concerns, there are formal channels available to address them.” Documents reviewed by this publication further indicate that Ms Wadri later wrote to Gen Muhoozi in April 2025 requesting to be relieved of her duties.

In the letter, she reportedly sought an appointment regarding her resignation and referenced earlier correspondence from the President. Sources close to the family claim Ms Wadri attempted unsuccessfully to secure a direct audience with President Museveni before leaving Uganda.

“She believed that if she met the President personally, she would explain her fears and possibly resolve the misunderstandings,” one source said. The source further alleged that intermediaries advised her to seek assistance from senior political leaders, including Speaker of Parliament Anita Among. However, according to the source, the Speaker reportedly indicated she was unable to intervene in the matter.

“The Speaker said she could not directly connect Brenda to the President given the sensitivity of the case,” the source claimed. “She instead advised that other channels be explored.” Parliament had not officially commented on the claims by press time. Sources also alleged that attempts were made to seek an audience with First Lady Janet Museveni, though those efforts reportedly did not succeed.

Political observers say the reported fallout highlights the intense internal rivalries and pressures that can emerge within high-level government structures, particularly in sensitive intelligence and revenue enforcement roles.

“This is a story about power, access, and institutional politics,” said one Kampala-based analyst who requested anonymity to discuss security-related matters. “Whether all the claims are true or not, it reflects the difficult environment officials can face once internal trust breaks down.”

Despite her reported fears, sources close to the family insist Ms Wadri hopes to eventually return to Uganda. “She misses her work, her family, and her country,” a family associate said. “What she wants most is reassurance that she will be safe.” Repeated attempts to contact Ms Wadri directly were unsuccessful. Calls and messages sent to known contacts went unanswered.

In the same vein, Her Worship Marriam Wangadya, the current Chairperson of the Uganda Human Rights Commission, was whispered to have been the best candidate for the post of the Deputy Chief Justice. She even became most suitable when she exposed to the president, the politicians who had allegedly approached her with a proposal of having her budget supplementary passed as is, only if she would cough some billions in return.

However, we have landed on a missive, suggesting possibilities as to why the towering lady judge was eventually, not considered for either of the two above positions. From deep into her office corners, a dossier snakes out, accusing her of gross maladministration, corruption and abuse of office. If they test positive, the allegations leave no room for Wangadya at any top government office.

The Preamble

For starters, the Uganda Human Rights Commission was established in November 1996 to protect and promote human rights in Uganda. According to Article 51 of the Constitution, the UHRC is legally comprised of a chairperson and at least three other persons appointed by the President, with the approval of Parliament.

The Constitution envisages the Chairperson and Members of the Commission to be persons of high moral character and proven integrity. However, going by the missive under review, the behavior and conduct by the current Chair, Mariam Wangadya, falls short of the said constitutional requirement.

The current situation at the UHRC is suggested as being characterized by gross maladministration, corruption, abuse of office, impunity, arrogance, intimidation and bullying! All the above, reveals the dossier, is being orchestrated by none other than the Chairperson herself, Ms. Wangadya.

“Staff are living in a state of fear and helplessness since the constitution of the Republic of Uganda gives the Commission powers to appoint staff under Article 57. Even some Members of the Commission have not been spared by her conduct. She runs the Commission like a private outfit and therefore, not subjected to any internal controls and she is not held accountable for anything,” reads the twelve-page missive sourced from deep into the Commission`s corridors.

The authors of the carefully penned complaint suggests that the situation is getting out of hand and requires urgent intervention by the relevant authorities, as well as the appointing authority. Indeed, we have confirmed receipt of the same, by the Inspector General of Government (IGG) office, the Speaker of Parliament and CID. When contacted, the known UHRC mouthpiece Alex Bukumunhe confirmed knowledge of the dossier but requested for a “few days” to allow him prepare for a rebuttal. However, he did not pick our calls anymore, when the “few days” elapsed.

The Dossier in Part I

Corruption/abuse of office: For starters, Wangadya joined the Commission in September 2021 when she was 56 years old. Therefore, she was ineligible to contribute to NSSF. However, she supposedly forced the Human Resource Manager and the Secretary to the Commission to continue making a 10% Government NSSF contribution for her until March 2025, when she heeled to the pressure from the Ministry of Public Service. Hence, for a period of over three years, she earned that money illegally while knowing what she was doing was illegal.

Her accusers further allege that starting with Financial Year 2024/2025, 2025/2026 and the current budgeting process for 2026/2027 financial year which started with the preparation of the budget framework paper, Wangadya is alleged to have taken over the budgeting process. “The Management Committee, the Finance Committee and the Commission have all been sidelined! The real budgeting is done by her, Commissioner [Crispin Kugiza] Kaheru and Director Pauline Nansamba,” reads the dossier.

“Because she followed up with the Attorney General and the Ministry of Finance for increased funding through a supplementary budget in, she declared that the additional funding to the Commission of UGX10.4bn was and remains her personal money! It is that money she wants spent on her as much as possible without any form of internal controls, no accountability and she should get it for anything she wants.”

The authors further digs deep thus; “For instance, out of the UGX10.4bn, UGX2bn was set aside for salary enhancement as a block for Chairperson, Members and Staff. Instead of following a proper methodology to seek approvals from Cabinet and Parliament, the Chairperson unilaterally determined her salary and that of Commissioners. She simply informed Members of the Commission what they would earn without informing them of hers in a meeting of December 18^th 2024. The difference between her salary and Members is UGX20 million!”

It should be noted that Wangadya supposedly usurped powers of Parliament to determine her own salary and that of Members. She did not care about staff whose long pay target was determined by Cabinet and being the lowly paid. In the last two financial years and the next coming financial year, a new budget line, which had never existed in the history of the Commission for the Office of the Chairperson is said to have been introduced under supposed duress!

Ideally, the Office of the Chairperson coordinates all functions of the Commission and therefore it is the technical directorates and or departments that budget for execution of the mandate of the Commission. “But what is happening now, the Office of the Chairperson is allocated a budget even bigger than some departments! It is through this arrangement that she gets money to `hold` stakeholder engagements which never take place!” Instead, writes the complainants, the money is channeled through her Personal Assistants private bank accounts! “At first, it was through Ms. Pauline Nansamba and now, Ms. Doreen Mukunyu Nabatte. In fact, these two ladies personal accounts should be investigated to explain why they receive that money and how they spend it.”

The dossier, which will run in three articles in these pages, cites Commissioner Crispin Kugiza Kaheru as Wangadya`s blue-eyed boy and with whom, she commits most of the alleged misappropriation of funds and other malpractices. “Again, in the current financial year, instead of beefing up funding for the core mandate of the Commission, the Chairperson and Commissioner Kaheru budgeted for the latest models of vehicles for themselves and generators for their private residences.” Watch this space

In recent weeks, there has been speculation about his health, although family members and political allies had dismissed reports suggesting he was critically ill. A political mobiliser and towering figure in Kenyan politics, Odinga ran unsuccessfully for the presidency five times.

He rejected the results on each occasion, often saying that victory had been stolen from him. He was vindicated by Kenya’s highest court after the 2017 elections, when it annulled Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory and ordered fresh polls. However, he boycotted the rerun, demanding electoral reforms. He has often reconciled with the incumbent president after contentious elections.

After his most recent defeat in 2022, he joined President William Ruto in a so-called broad-based government, which brought several of his allies into key positions. He defended the move as necessary for national unity, coming in the aftermath of watershed nationwide protests last year that culminated in the storming of Parliament. Dozens of protesters were killed in confrontations with security officers.

The Ruto administration backed Odinga’s bid to become chairperson of the African Union Commission, in an election held earlier this year. Despite strong regional support, he lost to Djibouti’s Mahmoud Ali Youssouf. Odinga inspired a passionate and loyal following throughout his political career, especially in western Kenya, where he was from.

His supporters called him “Baba” (Father), “Agwambo” (Act of God), and “Tinga” (Tractor) – drawn from his party’s symbol during the 1997 elections. He was widely regarded as a master strategist and mass mobiliser, often drawing huge crowds to his political rallies, and he had a deep ability to connect with ordinary people.

He will be remembered for his unwavering fight for democratic freedoms and human rights. He was a former political prisoner, and holds the record for being Kenya’s longest-serving detainee. His struggle against one-party dictatorship saw him detained twice (from 1982 to 1988 and 1989 to 1991) during the rule of Daniel Arap Moi.

He was initially imprisoned for trying to stage a coup in 1982, which propelled him on to the national stage. In the quest to revamp the East African Community and the African Union,  Odinga , has been very instrumental in these two Pan African projects , that made him a darling of leaders like President Yoweri Museveni, with whom they shared the same dream.

Mayiga adds his voice to that of the Chairman of the Electoral Commission, Justice Simon Mugenyi Byabakama, who has always prudently warned the youths to avoid politicians who are capable of rallying them to wreck havoc for their own selfish ends. Now, security are commanded by the Constitution of the Republic to protect Ugandans and their properties.

For that matter, security forces cannot idly sit by and merely gaze as a section of people are wrecking havoc since in doing so, they would be violating the Constitution of the Republic and the consequences of such laxity is dire including a firing squad. Security do not work with flowers while dealing with violence. They use guns and guns kill or maim, rendering it very crucial for especially the youths not to dare cross the red line by clashing with security forces for whatever reason.

Compellingly, Ugandans in security uniforms are our brothers, sisters, sons, daughters, in-laws and so, let us not put them in the big dilemma of manhandling and arresting us by provoking them in whatever manner that is unlawful. Owek Mayiga and the Electoral Commission Chairman, Justice Byabakama encourage the youth to participate in elections as voters, candidates, agents of candidates, polling agents and in whatever other manner which is lawful.

A youth voter should step out and vote, step back and stay out of trouble. A youth candidate should vouch for votes in such a manner that doesn’t cause a breach of peace and public order. Respecting both the law and lawful orders do not hurt anyone but assist law-abiding citizens to stay out of trouble. It doesn’t make sense at all for a youth to be arrested and thrown in prison for years on end, without doing productive work for him or herself, his or her dependants and the country at large.

It doesn’t make sense to destroy public infrastructure like roads, buildings, police stations, railway stations since public funds are spent all over again to restore what had been razed as opposed to putting in place other missing required infrastructure and offering much required public services like education, health, public transport and so on.

Nor does it make sense to destroy private investments since doing so discourages foreign investors from investing in Uganda and everyone loses because private investors provide employment to citizens and pay taxes spent by the State to provide the required public services and infrastructure like roads and so on.

The EC Chairman, Justice Byabakama cautions the youth not engage in bribery and other electoral offenses since the law is not suspended during election period nor are police stations and prisons closed down during election period. Owek Mayiga counsels the youth to use their vote to elect the leader they want and avoid abusing or clashing with other candidates they don’t want since other Ugandans want them and it’s their constitutional right to vote for them and vice versa.

Most importantly, elections come and go but the country and the citizens stay behind and it’s therefore crucial put country and citizens above selfish interests much of which could be short-lived and harmful. Finally, when campaigns begin let all of us remain peaceful, orderly and responsible in order to convey a message to the rest of the world that we are a civilized, a lawful and a God fearing nation.

Presumably, only and only death can separate the seriously ailing Dr. Besigye from the above-mentioned mission. Consider Mzee Jaberi Bidandi, Eriya Kategeya and Miria Mutembe previously asked Dr Besigye to stand down and wait for another election.

Think. Dr Besigye told off Bidandi’s delegation and told them to go back and tell President Yoweri Museveni that he was not interested in power and just interested in getting him out of power. Practically speaking, such a kind of a very determined man is certainly not an easy one to stop from his set mission.

Now, signs have unfolded, painting a government in panic. This view, over it’s purported failure to secure incriminating evidence against the seriously and chained Dr Besigye. He is currently held on a set of very serious criminal charges related to treason and misprision of treason.

Dr Besigye, who was expected to contest for power with Gen. Yoweri Museveni in a nation’s looming election, was kidnapped from Kenya, parading him before a court martial. Government, per a constitutional court ruling delivered in a petition filed by an opposition politician, Michael Kabaziguruka, settled for a court martial since the commander-in-chief can purportedly bulldoze it and do as he wishes.

In fact, Dr Besigye terms the military courts in Uganda as allegedly being  merely a walking stick of a nation’s leader, Gen Yoweri Museveni. Following the above-mentioned constitutional court ruling, the nation’s angry chief of defense forces, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba stepped out and told off judges.

Remarkably, Muhoozi declared that Gen. Yoweri Museveni, the nation’s commander-in-chief, who is also his father, was the one who was going to conclusively determine whether or not, Besigye was going to be tried by a military court. Notably, government through parliament later on reinstated the trial of civilians in military courts banned by the nation’s constitutional court.

But, the military has never taken Dr. Besigye back to the military courts. Relatedly, one of the top spies is under arrest having been rounded up recently over allegedly fabricating evidence based on to arrest Besigye. But the arrest looks like a gimmick. This stand, as intended to portray the top spy as a lier who misled the nation’s security, causing Dr Besigye’s debatebly an illegal arrest.

Allegedly, the State lacks incriminating evidence required to secure a conviction in a court of law against the Doctor. And therefore, the State is reportedly stranded with no serious evidence to present before court. Problematically, as the State continues to hold Besigye in prison without trial, the issue of granting him bail reportedly continues to split the judiciary.

Consequently, the judiciary can be compelled to release Besigye on bail to avoid being negatively viewed as a Temple of Injustice. Despite having leaked an alleged audio of an alleged Dr Besigye, asking for arms to use, to potentially overthrow an elected government. The State has for the last nine months since his kidnap from Kenya, failed to table before court such a kind of a fantastic evidence.

Instead, the State has since kept him on remand with the nation’s judiciary’s assumed assistance, who rejected to grant him bail even as he had met all the conditions required to be granted the same. Previously, Besigye won all the criminal cases government initiated against him even as he prevailed without having defended himself on all those  occasions.

Consequently, history is not on the side of government but Dr. Besigye’s brand of defiance certainly keeps government in panic. But, holding an opposition politician endlessly without trial is certainly not a good piece of PR  for a government in power. Finally, Gen Museveni could be devising means of releasing Dr. Besigye but after arranging with the Country’s judiciary how better to tame his defiance campaign.

]]>