In a shocking political U-turn announced shortly after President Museveni’s swearing-in ceremony at Kololo on Tuesday, PLU Secretary General David Kabanda revealed that the pressure group had cancelled its earlier directive backing Among and Tayebwa for re-election.
The now-abandoned endorsement had been issued on March 11, instructing all PLU-leaning MPs-elect to rally behind the current parliamentary leadership. But insiders now say the tide has turned — and badly. Sources within PLU claim Gen Muhoozi is increasingly uncomfortable with leaders perceived to be associated with corruption and extravagant lifestyles.
“Gen Muhoozi hates corruption and cannot support leaders whose names are constantly appearing in controversial luxury stories,” a source close to PLU revealed. Political observers believe Among’s flashy spending, especially reports surrounding her alleged Shs3.4 billion Rolls-Royce purchase, may have worsened her standing within powerful establishment circles.
The controversy intensified after Muhoozi himself posted on social media that he had “never sat in a Rolls Royce” despite being 52 years old — a statement many interpreted as a subtle dig aimed at the Speaker. Eyewitnesses at Kololo said Among, accompanied by her husband and FUFA President Moses Magogo, was seen attempting to engage Gen Muhoozi in conversation on the sidelines of the ceremony. However, observers noted that the General appeared cold and largely uninterested.
Behind closed doors, PLU insiders are reportedly considering alternative candidates for the powerful Speaker position, with Justice Minister Norbert Mao and Defence Minister Jacob Oboth Oboth emerging as possible compromise figures. Meanwhile, the Speakership race continues to attract more contenders, including Lydia Wanyoto, Persis Namuganza, Alioni Yorke Odria and Florence Asiimwe Akiiki. With alliances shifting rapidly and political knives out, insiders say the once-untouchable Speaker Anita Among is now facing the toughest political fight of her career.
]]>The remarks came amid growing public debate over reports that Anita Among had allegedly acquired a luxury vehicle worth approximately Shs3 billion. Although the Speaker has not officially responded to the reports, the controversy has sparked widespread discussion on social media and in political circles.
Political analysts say Gen Kainerugaba’s comments have intensified scrutiny over the Speaker’s lifestyle and sources of wealth. Critics have accused her of extravagance and possible corruption, arguing that she is not publicly known as a business tycoon capable of purchasing such an expensive vehicle through private means alone.
“This issue has touched a nerve among ordinary Ugandans who are struggling economically,” said one political commentator in Kampala. “Many people are questioning how public officials accumulate such wealth.” The controversy is also threatening to complicate political calculations ahead of the anticipated race for the Speakership. Sources within political circles say the allegations have weakened confidence within Among’s camp at a time when she is expected to face growing pressure from rivals, including Norbert Mao.
A senior member of the opposition, speaking anonymously, said the matter could become a major campaign issue. “Perception matters in politics. Once the public starts associating leaders with corruption and extravagance, it becomes difficult to rebuild trust,” the source noted. Despite the criticism, supporters of the Speaker have dismissed the accusations as politically motivated attacks aimed at tarnishing her reputation ahead of future political contests.
]]>Sources familiar with the matter claim Wadri left Uganda about two months ago after tensions escalated over allegations that she had become the subject of internal investigations and counter-accusations involving senior officials. Family members and associates reportedly fear for her safety. “She is extremely worried about her security and believes she is being monitored even while abroad,” a source close to the family said. “Her greatest wish is to return home safely, but she feels vulnerable and isolated.”
Efforts to independently verify the claims that Wadri is under surveillance or facing direct threats were unsuccessful by press time. Wadri previously headed investigations into alleged tax evasion involving major companies, including telecommunications firms, and is also said to have participated in inquiries related to the management of Uganda Airlines.
According to documents seen by this publication, Ms Wadri wrote to President Museveni in 2024 expressing frustration over what she described as pressure and hostility within State House structures. In a response dated December 25, 2024, President Museveni directed that she meet Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba to discuss her concerns.
“I have received your letter informing me of your intention to resign from the Revenue Intelligence Directorate,” part of the President’s letter reportedly reads. “I direct your brother, Chief of Defence Forces Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba, to meet you so that he gets to know what you have expressed.”
However, sources close to the matter claim the proposed meeting never materialized. “Some powerful individuals within the system were uncomfortable with her continued access and influence,” another source alleged. “There were efforts to isolate her before she eventually left the country.”
The claims could not be independently verified, and State House had not issued an official statement on the matter by publication time. A senior State House official, speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly, denied knowledge of any threats against Ms Wadri. “As far as we know, no one is targeting her,” the official said. “People leave government service for different reasons. Matters concerning personnel are handled internally.”
Another official familiar with operations at State House cautioned against speculation. “There are many exaggerated accounts circulating,” the source said. “If she has concerns, there are formal channels available to address them.” Documents reviewed by this publication further indicate that Ms Wadri later wrote to Gen Muhoozi in April 2025 requesting to be relieved of her duties.
In the letter, she reportedly sought an appointment regarding her resignation and referenced earlier correspondence from the President. Sources close to the family claim Ms Wadri attempted unsuccessfully to secure a direct audience with President Museveni before leaving Uganda.
“She believed that if she met the President personally, she would explain her fears and possibly resolve the misunderstandings,” one source said. The source further alleged that intermediaries advised her to seek assistance from senior political leaders, including Speaker of Parliament Anita Among. However, according to the source, the Speaker reportedly indicated she was unable to intervene in the matter.
“The Speaker said she could not directly connect Brenda to the President given the sensitivity of the case,” the source claimed. “She instead advised that other channels be explored.” Parliament had not officially commented on the claims by press time. Sources also alleged that attempts were made to seek an audience with First Lady Janet Museveni, though those efforts reportedly did not succeed.
Political observers say the reported fallout highlights the intense internal rivalries and pressures that can emerge within high-level government structures, particularly in sensitive intelligence and revenue enforcement roles.
“This is a story about power, access, and institutional politics,” said one Kampala-based analyst who requested anonymity to discuss security-related matters. “Whether all the claims are true or not, it reflects the difficult environment officials can face once internal trust breaks down.”
Despite her reported fears, sources close to the family insist Ms Wadri hopes to eventually return to Uganda. “She misses her work, her family, and her country,” a family associate said. “What she wants most is reassurance that she will be safe.” Repeated attempts to contact Ms Wadri directly were unsuccessful. Calls and messages sent to known contacts went unanswered.
]]>In the same vein, Her Worship Marriam Wangadya, the current Chairperson of the Uganda Human Rights Commission, was whispered to have been the best candidate for the post of the Deputy Chief Justice. She even became most suitable when she exposed to the president, the politicians who had allegedly approached her with a proposal of having her budget supplementary passed as is, only if she would cough some billions in return.
However, we have landed on a missive, suggesting possibilities as to why the towering lady judge was eventually, not considered for either of the two above positions. From deep into her office corners, a dossier snakes out, accusing her of gross maladministration, corruption and abuse of office. If they test positive, the allegations leave no room for Wangadya at any top government office.
The Preamble
For starters, the Uganda Human Rights Commission was established in November 1996 to protect and promote human rights in Uganda. According to Article 51 of the Constitution, the UHRC is legally comprised of a chairperson and at least three other persons appointed by the President, with the approval of Parliament.
The Constitution envisages the Chairperson and Members of the Commission to be persons of high moral character and proven integrity. However, going by the missive under review, the behavior and conduct by the current Chair, Mariam Wangadya, falls short of the said constitutional requirement.
The current situation at the UHRC is suggested as being characterized by gross maladministration, corruption, abuse of office, impunity, arrogance, intimidation and bullying! All the above, reveals the dossier, is being orchestrated by none other than the Chairperson herself, Ms. Wangadya.
“Staff are living in a state of fear and helplessness since the constitution of the Republic of Uganda gives the Commission powers to appoint staff under Article 57. Even some Members of the Commission have not been spared by her conduct. She runs the Commission like a private outfit and therefore, not subjected to any internal controls and she is not held accountable for anything,” reads the twelve-page missive sourced from deep into the Commission`s corridors.
The authors of the carefully penned complaint suggests that the situation is getting out of hand and requires urgent intervention by the relevant authorities, as well as the appointing authority. Indeed, we have confirmed receipt of the same, by the Inspector General of Government (IGG) office, the Speaker of Parliament and CID. When contacted, the known UHRC mouthpiece Alex Bukumunhe confirmed knowledge of the dossier but requested for a “few days” to allow him prepare for a rebuttal. However, he did not pick our calls anymore, when the “few days” elapsed.
The Dossier in Part I
Corruption/abuse of office: For starters, Wangadya joined the Commission in September 2021 when she was 56 years old. Therefore, she was ineligible to contribute to NSSF. However, she supposedly forced the Human Resource Manager and the Secretary to the Commission to continue making a 10% Government NSSF contribution for her until March 2025, when she heeled to the pressure from the Ministry of Public Service. Hence, for a period of over three years, she earned that money illegally while knowing what she was doing was illegal.
Her accusers further allege that starting with Financial Year 2024/2025, 2025/2026 and the current budgeting process for 2026/2027 financial year which started with the preparation of the budget framework paper, Wangadya is alleged to have taken over the budgeting process. “The Management Committee, the Finance Committee and the Commission have all been sidelined! The real budgeting is done by her, Commissioner [Crispin Kugiza] Kaheru and Director Pauline Nansamba,” reads the dossier.
“Because she followed up with the Attorney General and the Ministry of Finance for increased funding through a supplementary budget in, she declared that the additional funding to the Commission of UGX10.4bn was and remains her personal money! It is that money she wants spent on her as much as possible without any form of internal controls, no accountability and she should get it for anything she wants.”
The authors further digs deep thus; “For instance, out of the UGX10.4bn, UGX2bn was set aside for salary enhancement as a block for Chairperson, Members and Staff. Instead of following a proper methodology to seek approvals from Cabinet and Parliament, the Chairperson unilaterally determined her salary and that of Commissioners. She simply informed Members of the Commission what they would earn without informing them of hers in a meeting of December 18th 2024. The difference between her salary and Members is UGX20 million!”
It should be noted that Wangadya supposedly usurped powers of Parliament to determine her own salary and that of Members. She did not care about staff whose long pay target was determined by Cabinet and being the lowly paid. In the last two financial years and the next coming financial year, a new budget line, which had never existed in the history of the Commission for the Office of the Chairperson is said to have been introduced under supposed duress!
Ideally, the Office of the Chairperson coordinates all functions of the Commission and therefore it is the technical directorates and or departments that budget for execution of the mandate of the Commission. “But what is happening now, the Office of the Chairperson is allocated a budget even bigger than some departments! It is through this arrangement that she gets money to `hold` stakeholder engagements which never take place!” Instead, writes the complainants, the money is channeled through her Personal Assistants private bank accounts! “At first, it was through Ms. Pauline Nansamba and now, Ms. Doreen Mukunyu Nabatte. In fact, these two ladies personal accounts should be investigated to explain why they receive that money and how they spend it.”
The dossier, which will run in three articles in these pages, cites Commissioner Crispin Kugiza Kaheru as Wangadya`s blue-eyed boy and with whom, she commits most of the alleged misappropriation of funds and other malpractices. “Again, in the current financial year, instead of beefing up funding for the core mandate of the Commission, the Chairperson and Commissioner Kaheru budgeted for the latest models of vehicles for themselves and generators for their private residences.” Watch this space
]]>In recent weeks, there has been speculation about his health, although family members and political allies had dismissed reports suggesting he was critically ill. A political mobiliser and towering figure in Kenyan politics, Odinga ran unsuccessfully for the presidency five times.
He rejected the results on each occasion, often saying that victory had been stolen from him. He was vindicated by Kenya’s highest court after the 2017 elections, when it annulled Uhuru Kenyatta’s victory and ordered fresh polls. However, he boycotted the rerun, demanding electoral reforms. He has often reconciled with the incumbent president after contentious elections.
After his most recent defeat in 2022, he joined President William Ruto in a so-called broad-based government, which brought several of his allies into key positions. He defended the move as necessary for national unity, coming in the aftermath of watershed nationwide protests last year that culminated in the storming of Parliament. Dozens of protesters were killed in confrontations with security officers.
The Ruto administration backed Odinga’s bid to become chairperson of the African Union Commission, in an election held earlier this year. Despite strong regional support, he lost to Djibouti’s Mahmoud Ali Youssouf. Odinga inspired a passionate and loyal following throughout his political career, especially in western Kenya, where he was from.
His supporters called him “Baba” (Father), “Agwambo” (Act of God), and “Tinga” (Tractor) – drawn from his party’s symbol during the 1997 elections. He was widely regarded as a master strategist and mass mobiliser, often drawing huge crowds to his political rallies, and he had a deep ability to connect with ordinary people.
He will be remembered for his unwavering fight for democratic freedoms and human rights. He was a former political prisoner, and holds the record for being Kenya’s longest-serving detainee. His struggle against one-party dictatorship saw him detained twice (from 1982 to 1988 and 1989 to 1991) during the rule of Daniel Arap Moi.
He was initially imprisoned for trying to stage a coup in 1982, which propelled him on to the national stage. In the quest to revamp the East African Community and the African Union, Odinga , has been very instrumental in these two Pan African projects , that made him a darling of leaders like President Yoweri Museveni, with whom they shared the same dream.
]]>Mayiga adds his voice to that of the Chairman of the Electoral Commission, Justice Simon Mugenyi Byabakama, who has always prudently warned the youths to avoid politicians who are capable of rallying them to wreck havoc for their own selfish ends. Now, security are commanded by the Constitution of the Republic to protect Ugandans and their properties.
For that matter, security forces cannot idly sit by and merely gaze as a section of people are wrecking havoc since in doing so, they would be violating the Constitution of the Republic and the consequences of such laxity is dire including a firing squad. Security do not work with flowers while dealing with violence. They use guns and guns kill or maim, rendering it very crucial for especially the youths not to dare cross the red line by clashing with security forces for whatever reason.
Compellingly, Ugandans in security uniforms are our brothers, sisters, sons, daughters, in-laws and so, let us not put them in the big dilemma of manhandling and arresting us by provoking them in whatever manner that is unlawful. Owek Mayiga and the Electoral Commission Chairman, Justice Byabakama encourage the youth to participate in elections as voters, candidates, agents of candidates, polling agents and in whatever other manner which is lawful.
A youth voter should step out and vote, step back and stay out of trouble. A youth candidate should vouch for votes in such a manner that doesn’t cause a breach of peace and public order. Respecting both the law and lawful orders do not hurt anyone but assist law-abiding citizens to stay out of trouble. It doesn’t make sense at all for a youth to be arrested and thrown in prison for years on end, without doing productive work for him or herself, his or her dependants and the country at large.
It doesn’t make sense to destroy public infrastructure like roads, buildings, police stations, railway stations since public funds are spent all over again to restore what had been razed as opposed to putting in place other missing required infrastructure and offering much required public services like education, health, public transport and so on.
Nor does it make sense to destroy private investments since doing so discourages foreign investors from investing in Uganda and everyone loses because private investors provide employment to citizens and pay taxes spent by the State to provide the required public services and infrastructure like roads and so on.
The EC Chairman, Justice Byabakama cautions the youth not engage in bribery and other electoral offenses since the law is not suspended during election period nor are police stations and prisons closed down during election period. Owek Mayiga counsels the youth to use their vote to elect the leader they want and avoid abusing or clashing with other candidates they don’t want since other Ugandans want them and it’s their constitutional right to vote for them and vice versa.
Most importantly, elections come and go but the country and the citizens stay behind and it’s therefore crucial put country and citizens above selfish interests much of which could be short-lived and harmful. Finally, when campaigns begin let all of us remain peaceful, orderly and responsible in order to convey a message to the rest of the world that we are a civilized, a lawful and a God fearing nation.
]]>Presumably, only and only death can separate the seriously ailing Dr. Besigye from the above-mentioned mission. Consider Mzee Jaberi Bidandi, Eriya Kategeya and Miria Mutembe previously asked Dr Besigye to stand down and wait for another election.
Think. Dr Besigye told off Bidandi’s delegation and told them to go back and tell President Yoweri Museveni that he was not interested in power and just interested in getting him out of power. Practically speaking, such a kind of a very determined man is certainly not an easy one to stop from his set mission.
Now, signs have unfolded, painting a government in panic. This view, over it’s purported failure to secure incriminating evidence against the seriously and chained Dr Besigye. He is currently held on a set of very serious criminal charges related to treason and misprision of treason.
Dr Besigye, who was expected to contest for power with Gen. Yoweri Museveni in a nation’s looming election, was kidnapped from Kenya, parading him before a court martial. Government, per a constitutional court ruling delivered in a petition filed by an opposition politician, Michael Kabaziguruka, settled for a court martial since the commander-in-chief can purportedly bulldoze it and do as he wishes.
In fact, Dr Besigye terms the military courts in Uganda as allegedly being merely a walking stick of a nation’s leader, Gen Yoweri Museveni. Following the above-mentioned constitutional court ruling, the nation’s angry chief of defense forces, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba stepped out and told off judges.
Remarkably, Muhoozi declared that Gen. Yoweri Museveni, the nation’s commander-in-chief, who is also his father, was the one who was going to conclusively determine whether or not, Besigye was going to be tried by a military court. Notably, government through parliament later on reinstated the trial of civilians in military courts banned by the nation’s constitutional court.
But, the military has never taken Dr. Besigye back to the military courts. Relatedly, one of the top spies is under arrest having been rounded up recently over allegedly fabricating evidence based on to arrest Besigye. But the arrest looks like a gimmick. This stand, as intended to portray the top spy as a lier who misled the nation’s security, causing Dr Besigye’s debatebly an illegal arrest.
Allegedly, the State lacks incriminating evidence required to secure a conviction in a court of law against the Doctor. And therefore, the State is reportedly stranded with no serious evidence to present before court. Problematically, as the State continues to hold Besigye in prison without trial, the issue of granting him bail reportedly continues to split the judiciary.
Consequently, the judiciary can be compelled to release Besigye on bail to avoid being negatively viewed as a Temple of Injustice. Despite having leaked an alleged audio of an alleged Dr Besigye, asking for arms to use, to potentially overthrow an elected government. The State has for the last nine months since his kidnap from Kenya, failed to table before court such a kind of a fantastic evidence.
Instead, the State has since kept him on remand with the nation’s judiciary’s assumed assistance, who rejected to grant him bail even as he had met all the conditions required to be granted the same. Previously, Besigye won all the criminal cases government initiated against him even as he prevailed without having defended himself on all those occasions.
Consequently, history is not on the side of government but Dr. Besigye’s brand of defiance certainly keeps government in panic. But, holding an opposition politician endlessly without trial is certainly not a good piece of PR for a government in power. Finally, Gen Museveni could be devising means of releasing Dr. Besigye but after arranging with the Country’s judiciary how better to tame his defiance campaign.
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Karangwa had used his closeness to the President and NRM boss, Gen Museveni, and politically branded himself, culminating into his bid in respect to NRM Deputy Chairman for Buganda region. President Museveni, who had previously backed and defended Karangwa as being a good, a loyal NRM cadre, and a victim of intrigue within NRM, and hate from the opposition, alas, turned around during the high-level NRM’s party internal elections.
The alpha and omega NRM Chairman suddenly exploded and subjected Karangwa to a harsh tongue lashing than never before. Museveni branded Karangwa a notorious land grabber, accusing him of soiling the NRM. In a suspicious change of heart, after scolding Karangwa and putting him out there before the NRM big people to dry and laugh at, Gen Museveni praised Nantaba as an excellent NRM cadre.
Museveni went further to offer his apologies to Nantaba for having previously chided her for fighting a notorious land grabber in reference to Moses Karangwa. Museveni’s spies at the NRM’s internal elections had briefed him about the huge funds Karangwa had reportedly ferried to the venue’s meetings, and how he had spent the same and bought voters to elect him as his deputy for Buganda region.
Now, President Museveni’s desired candidate was Haruna Kyeyune Kasolo, who lacked the kind of funds Karangwa was reportedly boasting of. The Chairman badly wanted Kasolo to be his deputy for Buganda region and devised tricks of promoting Kasolo’s candidature. One of the tricks was to politically deflate Karangwa who had long been giving a bloody nose to Kasolo, potentially signaling his sure win.
Aware that Nantaba was a big political factor in Buganda most especially in Kayunga, Museveni decided to attack her opponent Karangwa, while praising her with the aim of appeasing her and using her to campaign for his Kasolo. Fortunately, Museveni had previously been briefed about Karangwa’s supposed land grabbing and so he decided to use that to sabotage his candidature.
Karangwa was smart enough since he never allowed Museveni’s rant to spark a pushback from him. He was absolutely aware that his political opponents were in possession of data on his controversial land dealings and therefore, did not want them to turn the same over to the party chairman to base on the same and further malign him.
In fact, Karangwa henceforth knew very well his opponents had taken the day and that Kasolo’s victory was a fait accompli. When he spoke later, he prudently avoided Museveni and attacked Attorney General Kiryowa Kiwanuka as the one who had plotted his downfall by branding him a Munywanda.
He knew Museveni would at some point in time defend his nationality since they are recognized as Ugandan nationals by the 1995 Uganda Constitution. Apart from praising Nantaba, Museveni since appointed her to fight acts of land grabbing in especially Kayunga district with the view to scuttle Karangwa’s support.
As the two foes go for each other, Museveni, who is a master of divide and rule will be a winner since both camps will be at his mercy, especially in terms of cash and political support. Furthermore, the fight will likely leave each politically exposed and therefore much weaker and very easy to use to fight Museveni’s personal wars.
]]>The Diagnosis
Some of us feel that beside the military, another big problem lies with the administrative system that gives one man boundless power. Most Ugandans are oblivious of the fact that the presidential system has been the biggest source of the problems for this country. It’s that presidential system that has corrupted whoever lands into the presidency. It’s that system that makes one man become the commander in chief of the armed forces, the chief executive, the appointing authority, the director of all policies in the land, the director of finance, etc, etal.
Can’t we change this system?
Yes, we can. Uganda has held hotly contested elections that have spiraled into political uncertainty, with the one of 1980 culminating into a five-year civil, bush war. Did we learn any lessons? The 1961 election that resulted into victory for DP’S Benedicto Kiwanuka and the 1962 elections that brought Apollo Milton Obote as Prime Minister and Frederick Muteesa as President ended without any chaos because those respective elections were held under a Parliamentary system.
The only elections that were held under the presidential system and ended peacefully, uncontested without a court petition was the 1996 one where President Museveni defeated Ssenkaggale Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere. All the other elections of 2001, 2006, 2011, 2016 and 2021 have all ended in court. At one time, the late Professor G.W. Kanyeihmba was one of the judges that almost nullified one of President Museveni’s victories. The Supreme Court had to resort to the difficult decision of stating thus; “Although elections were rigged, the rigging was not substantial enough to justify the nullification of the elections’’. In the end, President Museveni has needed the extra advantage of the army to sustain his political victories.
Where would he be without the army?
And moving forward, I think that we need a new political system that is NOT anchored around the military by withdrawing most of the power from the office of the president. We need to do this by getting rid of the presidential system that gives the sitting president a lot of power.
As stated earlier, the Britons left Uganda with the parliamentary system, well knowing that it was the best system that could guarantee the political future of the young democracy. Although this system crumbled because of the big egos of two personalities of Prime Minister Apollo Milton Obote and President Sir Frederick Muteesa, it was safe enough to guarantee long term stability.
I need to stress here that A.M Obote knew that he couldn’t have survive under the parliamentary system and hastily adopted the presidential system using the 1967 constitution. Under the presidential system, Obote became the alpha and omega because he now had unwavering powers over everything.
He used the army and the security agencies to detain, persecute his opponents and dominate the political terrain. By 1969 Uganda was under one party state, coz he had announced UPC as the only party in the country. It’s worth noting that he wouldn’t have gone far with his schemes, if the country had remained under the parliamentary system. Why? Because with parliamentary system, the executive derives its powers from the legislature.
One may argue that how come he managed to wreak havoc under the parliamentary system! This was because he first neutralized the parliament by arresting all the dissenting MPs and reverting to the presidential system by adopting the pigeon hole constitution. Once he became president, the whole country dropped to his knees.
The only political challenge he had was from the army. And indeed it was his army commander Gen Idi Amin who wasted no time in staging a coup d’etat in 1971.Once Obote was gone, Uganda fell in the ferocious hands of a direct military dictatorship, where there was no parliament, no elections and Gen Amin gleedfully ruled by decree.
When Gen Amin was invaded and overthrown by the Tanzanians in 1979, there was little time to correct the political mistakes of the past. Just a few Ugandans gathered in Moshi and selected Professor Yusuf Lule as president of a post Amin-Uganda. The same click dismissed president Lule and made Godfrey Binaisa president shortly after. Each of those presidents ruled the country under the 1967 constitution, which empowered them beyond imagination prompting the late Lukongwa Binaisa to proclaim that the presidential seat was “very sweet’’ – ‘entebe ewoma’
The Constitutional Contradictions
When elections were held again in 1980, they used a parliamentary system, where a party with most seats took power and then reverted to the presidential system when Obote took over as president. Casually, speaking, I think this was either a mistake or a contradiction because, you cannot use a parliamentary system to get a president. I beg to be corrected by students of constitutional law about this matter though.
Under a parliamentary system, the party with most MPs forms the government led by a Prime Minister. A case in point is the British system which always has a Prime Minister at the helm of government. I tend to think that the Obote group used their military power to impose a high breed system on the country because he knew that he was not going to win as an individual contender – aware of the guilt that came with the 1966 crisis.
So he shrewdly used the parliamentary system to bring back the presidential system. Once he took office, a section Obote`s opponents waged a civil war that took the lives of millions of Ugandans. By the time President Museveni won that 1981-85 civil war, Uganda was bleeding, left, right and center.
Gen Museveni has since been in power for the last 40 years, wielding all the powers that have made him a dictator of sorts. Lord Acton once said that “power tends to corrupt, and absolute power corrupts absolutely’’ I don’t think there is a single Ugandan who can argue with that saying coined by Lord Acton. One of the most unfortunate developments in this whole scenario is the fact that the Ugandan president has got powers to appoint the person who manages the elections!
You don’t need rocket science to deduce that someone at the helm of the electoral commission, Simon Byabakama cannot preside over an election that can remove his boss, the president, who gave him the job in the first place. This is like appointing a monkey to preside over a referendum on whether to cut down the forest or preserve it!. As a result of this alone, you end-up with no democracy at all because the incumbent president keeps himself in power at his own will with unfettered access. Under this arrangement, the incumbent president can use the electoral commission and the army to rule until he drops dead!. Therefore, the elections become a ritual for legitimizing an illegitimate government.
Why Get Rid Of The Presidential System?
Another bad element in the presidential system is that the winner of an election takes all the power and shares it with his peers. This leaves out a lot of grumbling from the defeated group. A good case in point is the case in Kenya where President William Ruto narrowly beat Railla Oginga Odinga to the presidency.Kenya has not enjoyed peace since then because of the unrest from the defeated group that organize protest after protest.
This unrest would never have happened if Kenya was under a parliamentary system that envisages proportionate representation between the contending parties because there is a significant power sharing model that breeds harmony after elections. This presidential system where one individual needs to do the country-wide vote hunting on his own to gain the right to run this country must be scrapped because that person develops the selfish syndrome of running government alone.
Why? Uganda has got 141 distrcits and over 721 villages. Under Ugandan electoral laws, a presidential aspirant needs to hunt for signatures in all these 141 districts to get endorsed as a nominated presidential candidate. Besides the collection of signatures, the aspirant needs to campaign in all the districts!. Once that wo/man wins, it’s highly inevitable that they will feel entitled to rule with impunity. That’s where the dictatorship tendency begins from.
The Way Forward
Moving forward, we need to change this presidential system in Uganda by a swift adoption of the parliamentary system which clips the overriding powers of the person in the highest office. One, under the parliamentary system, there are minimal chances of rigging because there are no presidential candidates – as the party with most MPs forms government. Two, under this parliamentary system there is no winner-takes-it-all because power is shared between the contending political parties in the legislature. Henceforth, the party with the majority shares with the minority – like it is done in South Africa.
This leads to harmonious power sharing and gets rid of the winner take-it-all that takes place in the presidential system. Last and most important of all, the parliamentary system is not prone to military coups like the presidential system.
The author, Fred Daka Kamwada is critical thinker and policy analyst. [email protected]
]]>The Mufti’s fury is rooted in the ongoing contest for the chairmanship of the ruling National Resistance Movement’s (NRM) Entrepreneurs League. Basajjalaba, the current office holder, is seeking re-election but faces stiff challenge from rival businessman and academic King Caesar Mulenga, proprietor of King Caesar University.
Mubajje claims the President has shown undue bias toward Basajjalaba, a longtime ally-turned-foe of the Mufti. Yet critics have been quick to point out that Basajjalaba remains legally eligible to run for political office, with no court order barring him from contesting.
Old Friends, Bitter Enemies
Ironically, Mubajje himself once relied on Basajjalaba’s political and financial muscle to consolidate his own grip on the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council (UMSC). The two were so close that the Mufti reportedly leased UMSC properties to the businessman, before later turning around to accuse him of “grabbing” the same.
Their falling out has since devolved into public recriminations, with observers questioning whether the Mufti’s current moral stance is driven more by personal vendetta than genuine principle.
Museveni in the Crossfire
But President Museveni, the founder and national chairman of the NRM, is said to have intervened in the past to protect the Gaddafi National Mosque from being lost in controversial transactions linked to Mubajje. The irony, critics note, is that the Mufti, who once sought to pledge parts of the iconic mosque for financial gain, now faults the President for associating with Basajjalaba. “Imagine, the very man who rescued Gaddafi Mosque from Mubajje’s dealings is the one being accused of siding with Basajjalaba,” remarked one senior cleric.
Baggage of Scandals
Both Mubajje and Basajjalaba have at various times been in the dock over fraud-related charges. While Basajjalaba was acquitted, Mubajje narrowly escaped prison after being cautioned and rebuked for abuse of office. More recently, the Mufti courted controversy with his “third kisanja” project, swearing himself in for an additional term as head of the UMSC despite a court order blocking the move. The defiance has been described by critics as a blatant show of impunity and contempt of court by a religious leader.
Moral Authority Questioned
For many, Mubajje’s latest admonition of both President Museveni and Hajj Basajjalaba is symbolic of a cleric grappling with diminished moral authority. “It is like pointing out the straw in another person’s eye while ignoring the log in one’s own,” one political commentator noted. As the NRM Entrepreneurs League contest heats up, the Mufti’s intervention has injected both drama and irony into the race, reviving questions about personal integrity, political alliances, and the uneasy marriage between religion, business, and politics in Uganda.
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