The late Dr Paulo Kawanga Ssemogerere’s middle name stands for brain power. And yet the same attribute didn’t stop President Yoweri Museveni from making a mockery of the late Democratic Party (DP) President General aka Ssenkaggale.
Fresh from the bush, the then little known sheriff in town formed an amorphous thing known as the Movement political system. Aged 44, and relatively younger than Ssemogerere, the victorious National Resistance Army (NRA) rebel leader invited the DP opposition leader to join his so-called all-embracing nascent government.
Naturally naive, Ssemogerere suspended all of the DP’s political activities, blindly and gladly walking into then Maj. Gen. Museveni’s trap. After all, Museveni had told the nation during his initial swearing-in as the new leader, how he would be in town for just a few years to fix things that Dr Milton Obote and his group had messed up and then return to Rwakitura to herd his cattle.
Four years, which Museveni had pledged to spend in power came and went away. And yet the smooth-operator leader remained glued on power. The late Michael Kaggwa, one of the leaders of the DP Mobilisers group smelt mischief, calling for protests against Museveni’s continued stay in power against his previous pledge.
Working then as Museveni’s Internal Affairs Cabinet Minister, Dr Ssemogerere responded with threats of deploying military choppers against Michaeal Kaggwa’s rallies and he often did. Earlier before, Ssemogerere had helped to market Museveni’s nascent government far and beyond, in his capacity later, as the Minister of Foreign Affairs.
Consequently, by the time Ssemogererre finally woken up to Gen. Museveni’s deception, quitting his government in 1995, the former rebel leader had not only consolidated power, but also, had weakened the opposition through a ten-year freeze which he had upon coming to power, placed on them with the tacit approval of Ssemogerere himself.
For that matter, when Ssemogerere chose to compete for power with the President in 1996, he would end up being defeated, since DP had been in abeyance for a long time, rendering much of it’s grassroots inactive and therefore incapable of mobilizing enough support for it’s said presidential candidate.
More puzzlingly, Ssemogerere had not only joined Museveni’s government, but carried along a number of notable DP politicians such as Gerald Ssendaula, Joseph Mulenga, Sam Kuteesa and many more, who he, strangely, failed to convince to leave Museveni as he abandoned the movement government. Museveni would interestingly use the same people whom Ssemogerere had donated to him, to undermine Ssemogerere’s 1996 election.
Of note, when Ssemogerere elected to stand against him, Museveni had tried to discourage him from doing so by suggesting that he was only going to reign for just one term of five years, purposely to professionalize the army, and hand the same to a civilian presidents like him (Ssemogerere).
Credibly, Ssemogerere had learnt from history and therefore, refused to step down for Museveni, never mind that he eventually lost to him. Ssemogerere’s brave action would later embolden Museveni’s bush war colleague and physician, Dr Kiiza Besigye who, in 2001 took him on in an election.
Prior to that election, Bidandi Ssali had unwittingly believed Museveni’s deception that he was going to reign for only five years and retire from politics. Trapped by the said deception, Bidandi asked Besigye to stand down for Museveni. Besigye told Bodandi he would only stand down if Museveni also stood down. Bidandi, who has since left politics in protest to Museveni’s endless rule, publicly stated that Besigye knew better than him, when he refused to step down in favor of Museveni in 2001.
Following years of aping him as well as fighting whoever would stand against him, Museveni’s former Vice President, Dr Gilbert Baalibaseka Bukenya, in 2006 finally decided to compete for power with his former boss. In response, Museveni in order to draw a wedge between Bukenya and his then super minister, John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, for the first time introduced the deceptive narrative of a power sucession queue and illusorily stated Bukenya had jumped it and yet it was Mbabazi who was supposed to succeed him.
Enlivened by the otherwise non-existent power succession queue, Mbabazi used his legal expertise, scandalously drafting a law whose intention was to block Bukenya’s presidential campaigns under the guise of managing them. Mbabazi called his new law POMA (Public Order Management Act).
POMA curiously gave a blank cheque to Musevenei’s Inspector General of Police at the time, Gen. Kale Kayihura, to break down rallies of his opponents as opposed to regulating the same. Using the said law, the police, acting on behalf of Museveni, would indeed interfere with Bukenya’s political activities, leading to his defeat, helping the NRM candidate to run away with victory.
Come 2016, Mbabazi, after waiting for Museveni’s endorsement of his bid in vain, rebelled and finally announced how he was going to take on his former boss. Museveni not only used POMA which Mbabazi had previously helped to draft at the expense of Bukenya, to break down Mbabazi’s campaigns! He declared that he was not ready to leave power in the hands of the NRM historicals like Mbabazi.
On the contrary, Museveni deceptively declared that he would leave power in the hands of the youths. And how the youths stepped out in huge numbers to campaign for Museveni! Yet, when Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, a young musician of 38 years, declared his presidential bid in 2021, all hell broke loose as Museveni and his group insinuated that it was his son, Gen Muhoozi Kainerugaba who was next in line instead.
Though Kyagulanyi managed to floor Museveni in Buganda and large parts of Busoga, he was eventually defeated, thanks to the untold violence that the State actors had previously subjected him to, and his supporters too, during and even after the campaigns. Two years into Museveni’s fifth term following his 2021 victory, his son, Muhoozi started to prepare for the next election by sponsoring groups of youths who would spontaneously step out, demanding that he succeeds his father. Following a number of such demands, Muhoozi gladly accepted to stand for power. After all, it was `rogue` people like Gen David Sejusa who had previously started it all by claiming how he was harboring presidential ambitions `where as not`!
Muhoozi went ahead and formed a political movement, Patriotic League Of Uganda (PLU), to use to canvass support for him. But Museveni has since literally dismantled it by appointing Muhoozi the Chief of Defense Forces, keeping him tied down in the army, hence disabling him from competing against him during the upcoming elections.
Furthermore, Museveni has since appointed some of the key mobilizers of Muhoozi’s political grouping as his cabinet ministers, rendering them unable to carryout adversarial political activities against him. As we were still at it, Muhoozi issued a statement, tellingly, asking Ugandans to vote for his father during the upcoming general elections, corroborating the view that his father has since sorted him out politically.
While Muhoozi claims the 2026 elections is where his father will stop to feature, Museveni has not stated so, implying that the president could deny ever telling anyone that 2026 was going to be his last time to participate in election. In any case, Museveni has a record of stating one thing at an election and stating quite the opposite at another. Time will tell, though! For now, Have a prosperous New Year 2025!
Author Profile
- Mr. Stephen Kasozi Muwambi is a seasoned crime investigative writer, majoring in judicial-based stories. His two decades’ experience as a senior investigative journalist has made him one of the best to reckon on in Uganda. He can also be reached via [email protected]
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